The following article should be an eye opener to those who still believe that Imran Khan and his cult are some intelligent mature politicians. The list of follies by the Idiot Khan are too long starting from late 2021 when the first rumors of the Establishment distancing itself from its creation.
This article shows again how stupid the cult 'political party' is. It really is mind boggling stupidity. And the few decent people left in the party like the Chairman Gohar must be wondering how he ended up with such a stupid bunch.
ISLAMABAD: The imposition of governor’s rule and emergency in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has dealt a major political blow to Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf , which is believed to have lost an opportunity to...
www.thenews.pk
ISLAMABAD: The imposition of governor’s rule and emergency in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa has dealt a major political blow to Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), which is believed to have lost an opportunity to protect its provincial government and secure important concessions for its jailed founder Imran Khan.
Sources within the party admit that the recent talks had offered the possibility of a meeting with Imran Khan, immediate release of his sisters, normalisation of meetings with the former prime minister and arrangements for his medical treatment, including hospitalisation if recommended by the doctors.
Assurances on these matters were discussed, but the failure to reach a final agreement meant that none of the anticipated concessions materialised.
The breakdown also cost the PTI an opportunity to defuse the confrontation with the federal government and potentially preserve its government in the province, its political stronghold.
Two figures whose roles are discussed by some as responsible for the present situation are Mahmood Khan Achakzai and Sohail Afridi.
Achakzai’s insistence on meeting Imran Khan before calling off the planned march emerged as a major sticking point. While access to the PTI founder was central to the party’s demands, the insistence on the meeting as a precondition complicated efforts to reach an immediate settlement.
Afridi’s confrontational position also contributed to the widening confrontation. His harsh statements, particularly against the counterterrorism policy, added to tensions at a time when negotiations offered a possible way out of the crisis.
The dispute over counterterrorism remained a major point of contention between the federal and provincial governments. The Centre, including the security institutions, accused the KP administration of failing to cooperate adequately in combating militancy, while Afridi resisted the federal government’s position and opposed measures that it considered an infringement on provincial autonomy.
“Had the talks succeeded, the PTI could have secured progress on issues directly affecting Imran Khan and his family while retaining control of the provincial administration,” said a source, adding, “Instead, the failure to reach an agreement led to the imposition of governor’s rule, stripping the party of its most significant remaining platform of governmental power.”
The development has raised questions about the party’s negotiating strategy and whether greater flexibility over the sequence and conditions of the talks could have produced a different outcome.
For the PTI, the consequences extend beyond losing control of the provincial government. KP has been central to the party’s political strength and organisational presence since it lost power at the federal level. Its removal from provincial office further narrows its institutional space at a time when its politics remain focused on Imran Khan’s imprisonment and demands for relief.
The failed negotiations have thus left the party facing a major political setback without securing the concessions that had been under discussion. What might have become an agreement offering relief to Imran Khan and preserving the KP government has instead ended with the loss of the party’s principal provincial stronghold.
