The US Military Can’t Function Without China

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The US Military Can’t Function Without China

Rare earths are critical to making modern weapons – and China dominates the supply chain.
By Justin Fendos
August 13, 2026

The US Military Can’t Function Without China

A U.S. Air Force F-35A Lightning II aircraft receives fuel from a U.S. Air Force KC-135 Stratotanker aircraft in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility Aug. 8, 2026.

The manufacture of modern weapons begins with complex materials, especially those containing rare earth elements. These elements are used to make everything from magnets and sensors to radars and lasers. According to the U.S. Department of Defense, an F-35 fighter requires more than 400 kilograms of rare earths to build; a destroyer and submarine, respectively, can require anywhere from two to five metric tons. Rare earths also appear in Tomahawk missiles, Predator drones, and the many missiles and bombs that have been used in Iran over the last few months.

The problem for the U.S. military is that China accounts for roughly 70 percent of all rare earth mining and more than 90 percent of all rare earth processing, dominating entire categories of critical materials needed to make semiconductors, avionics, batteries, and things that go boom. According to the U.S. Geological Survey, China leads global production in 30 of 44 critical minerals while maintaining, in each of those 30 minerals, at least one monopoly in mining, refining, or processing.

Of the many components employed in modern military manufacturing, rare earth magnets are among the most important. Neodymium magnets are prized for being able to produce enormous magnetic forces relative to their low mass, making them invaluable for motors and guidance systems, where every bit of additional weight or electricity consumption can bring debilitating inefficiencies. Supplementing with other rare earths like dysprosium or terbium can make these magnets retain performance at high temperatures while adding samarium and cobalt can enhance stability under pressure, especially useful when flying things at high velocities. In 2025, China mined an estimated 270,000 metric tons of these elements out of a global total of 390,000 tons, accounting for roughly 69 percent of the world’s extraction.

Samarium is probably one of the most important rare earths you have never heard of. It is a critical component used in everything from chemical manufacturing and cancer treatment to nuclear reactors and satellites – and Chinese companies essentially hold a monopoly on all of the world’s samarium processing. Following tariff tensions with Washington at the start of U.S. President Donald Trump’s second term in 2025, Beijing restricted samarium exports for military applications, forcing American weapons manufacturers to search for alternative sources. Most were unable to locate these alternatives. One highly publicized exception was the lucky acquisition of a long-forgotten cache in France, and that still resulted in processing expenses over five times that of the typical Chinese export.

Beyond rare earths, China controls the production of other critical minerals – like tungsten, which is also currently under Chinese export control. Its exceptional density, hardness, and heat resistance make it ideal for armor-piercing applications and radiation shielding, especially in nuclear submarines. Perhaps more importantly, tungsten is indispensable for making the basic cutting and drilling tools required throughout military fabrication: tools necessary to make everything from bullets and tanks to helicopters and battleships. China produces over 80 percent of the world’s tungsten. When Chinese exports of the element fell by almost 40 percent year on year after Beijing’s export controls took effect, prices skyrocketed amid the scarcity.

Following China’s initial export controls in April of 2025, the United States and European Union were quick to reach preliminary agreements to restart critical mineral exports. Trade tensions lingered, however, resulting in Beijing eventually extending export controls to other elements and even the sale of mineral processing equipment. Some of these controls were subsequently delayed, but the basic requirement for Chinese exporters to carefully vet foreign buyers and reject sales destined for military applications has largely remained in effect since 2025. That essentially shuts American weapons manufacturers out of direct access to Chinese rare earth materials and the high-tech products resulting from them.

Given that most manufacturers tend to have some raw materials on hand at any given time, there has been a noticeable lag between the market disruptions illustrated above and tangible adverse outcomes in production. Many of these downstream outcomes are just starting to be reported now, over a year after the export controls began. A recent batch of new F-35s, for example, was reportedly delivered without their AN/APG-85 radars, rendering the planes unusable in combat and only suitable for limited training exercises. Similar delays in the manufacture of combat-ready drones have also been reported, usually attributed to the spiking cost of samarium, which has been reported to be offered at prices up to 60 times the pre-control average. The shortage of even one critical rare earth component can render a $100 million machine essentially useless.

The United States’ recent conflict with Iran has added even more urgency to these supply chain issues. After five months of extensive aerial activity, the U.S. has reportedly expended “virtually all” of its available ATACMS and Precision Strike Missiles, along with roughly half of its Tomahawk cruise missiles, and substantial portions of its Patriot and THAAD interceptors. All of these require extensive quantities of rare earth components to replenish. In response, the Pentagon has pressured weapons manufacturers to accelerate production, signing agreements intended to triple production for Patriot components and quadruple it for THAAD. It remains to be seen, however, whether already-strained supply chains will be able to accommodate these desired surges in production.

Washington has, of course, not been oblivious to these rare earth supply problems. In July 2025, the Pentagon agreed to invest $400 million in MP Materials, operator of the only active rare earth mine in the United States. The investment package included a $150 million loan, a commitment to purchase output from a planned magnet factory, and price guarantees intended to help American producers compete with Chinese exports. A year later, the Pentagon announced a similar $25 million investment in ReElement Technologies to expand domestic processing of critical minerals, most notably gallium and germanium.

Washington has also pursued partnerships with mineral-rich allies in an effort to diversify rare earth supply. In October of 2025, for example, the United States and Australia committed a combined $3 billion to critical mineral mining and processing projects, including measures intended to support alternative supply chains outside of China. The U.S. has likewise invested more than $70 million in Canadian mineral projects through the Defense Production Act, as part of its multinational Minerals Security Partnership launched in 2022.

Partnerships and money, of course, are only the first steps to getting new mines up and running. New mine construction in the U.S. typically takes an average of 29 years to complete, due to the extensive amounts of time required for surveying, permits, planning, and infrastructure expansion. Once a mine becomes operational, processing facilities are then needed to refine the extracted ores. These latter facilities need to be scaled appropriately to produce finished materials of consistent quality and in sufficient quantities at operational margins that can turn a profit even when put into competition with Chinese companies, many of which are now widely regarded as world leaders. Simply put, investments alone guarantee nothing, with any returns on investment potentially being realized only many, many years later, a common deterrent to the investment of commercial capital in these areas.

Finished rare earths, of course, do not automatically become magnetics and semiconductors either. With China being responsible for producing over 90 percent of the world’s rare earth magnets, it remains unclear how the U.S. military industrial complex will be able to produce or procure the high-tech components it needs at scale without Chinese exports, even if refined components were miraculously made available domestically in the short term. Appropriate financing and long-term investment would, again, be integral components to any solution but it remains unclear whether the United States even has the required technical expertise or sufficient numbers of skilled workers available to build and operate the many different facilities that would be required to mine, refine, process, and then actually build the magnets, alloys, and other products needed.

How long American F-35s will continue to go without their radars is anybody’s guess.
 

China kept its heavy rare earth exports shut to Japan for a full month, and the factories feeling it first are not the obvious ones​

By Adrián Villellas
Published On: August 13, 2026 at 6:00 AM

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China sent no gallium, dysprosium, terbium or yttrium to Japan in June, extending a months-long cutoff of materials buried deep inside the country’s auto, electronics, aerospace and defense supply chains. The most revealing detail is what did not stop.

China’s total rare-earth magnet exports climbed to about 6,227 U.S. tons from roughly 5,214 U.S. tons in May, suggesting the pressure is targeted rather than the result of a broad collapse in supply.

For Japan, that distinction offers little comfort because it has the world’s largest rare-earth magnet industry outside China but still depends heavily on Chinese inputs that help magnets survive high temperatures and protect turbines from punishing heat.

A factory can have steel, workers and orders ready to go, yet one missing material can still hold up the line. That’s why June’s zero shipments matter far beyond the mining business.

The June signal​

The June customs figures show that May’s large gallium shipment to Japan was a brief pause, not a lasting reopening. Gallium exports returned to zero, while China also sent no dysprosium, terbium or yttrium to Japan. The United States received no Chinese yttrium for a second straight month, another sign that licensing restrictions are reshaping trade flows by destination and end use.

Beijing first placed seven medium and heavy rare-earth categories and related products under export control in April 2025, then tightened rules for Japan in January 2026. It added Japanese companies to restricted and watch lists in February and expanded those lists again in late June.

China says the measures apply to dual-use goods and a limited group of entities and “will not affect normal economic and trade exchanges,” but the data shows why Japanese companies are not taking that reassurance at face value.

Small minerals, big consequences​

Dysprosium and terbium are used in high-performance permanent magnets that must keep working when vehicle motors, industrial robots or aircraft systems get hot. Yttrium is used in heat-resistant coatings that help protect turbine blades in aircraft engines and power plants, while gallium is important for semiconductors and other advanced components. These are niche markets, but the products they support are anything but niche.

Would a small mineral shortage really stop a major production line? It can, and the International Energy Agency says China’s April 2025 controls forced some automakers to reduce output or temporarily suspend operations, even though rare earths account for less than 1% of a vehicle’s value. the material bill may be tiny while the cost of an idle plant is enormous.

Japanese industrial factory with equipment illustrating supply-chain risks from China’s rare-earth export restrictions

Industrial equipment at a Japanese factory highlights the manufacturing sectors exposed to disruptions in critical rare-earth supplies.

Japan’s industrial weak spot​

Japan has spent years reducing its exposure to China since a previous rare-earth dispute in 2010, building stockpiles, improving recycling and supporting alternative suppliers.

Even so, Reuters reported in January that China still supplied about 60% of Japan’s rare-earth imports, with near-total dependence for some heavy rare earths used in electric and hybrid vehicle motors. That leaves a gap between having a strategy and having enough material on the shelf.

The warning signs are now appearing in corporate disclosures, with Reuters finding nearly 200 Japanese company filings in May and June that mentioned rare earths and more than two-thirds saying the controls were already hurting business or could do so later. “Companies cannot afford to be optimistic,” Mizuho Research Institute economist Takeshi Higashifukasawa said. That is a sober message for a country whose manufacturers feed global supply chains.

A diplomatic lever with industrial reach​

The dispute intensified after Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi said in November that a Chinese attack on Taiwan could represent an existential threat to Japan. Beijing demanded that she retract the remarks and later framed its controls as measures against Japanese military users and activities that could strengthen Japan’s defense capabilities. Tokyo called the January restrictions “absolutely unacceptable and deeply regrettable.”

But the June numbers point to a broader economic effect. China continued exporting large volumes of rare-earth magnets overall while Japan received none of four strategically important materials, which makes the controls look less like a general shortage and more like a selective valve. The line between military and civilian use is also hard to draw when the same magnets can appear in electric cars, factory equipment, drones, aircraft and weapons systems.

Tokyo’s expensive answer​

Japan is responding with subsidies, allied supply deals, recycling projects and plans to tap deep-sea deposits, though several of those options will take years to reach commercial scale. Shin-Etsu Chemical is planning its first new rare-earth refining facility since 2008 in Fukui Prefecture. The project is expected to cost at least $218 million, while the Japanese government has committed a subsidy worth about $109 million.

There is some progress beyond Japan, with the IEA saying new projects in the United States and higher production in Malaysia reduced China’s share of rare-earth refining from more than 90% in 2023 to 85% in 2025.

Still, refining and magnet-making capacity outside China continues to lag behind planned mining output. Digging up ore is only the first step, and turning it into a reliable magnet supply chain is the harder part.

What businesses should watch next​

The headline number to follow is not China’s total magnet exports. It is the destination-level flow of dysprosium, terbium, yttrium and gallium, along with license approvals, delivery times and any production warnings from Japanese manufacturers. A strong global export total can hide a serious shortage for one country or industry, just as a full supermarket can still be missing the one ingredient needed for dinner.

Will June’s zero become a temporary bargaining chip or a durable trade wall? For now, the evidence points to a prolonged squeeze, not a one-month disruption.

Until Japan’s new refining, recycling and allied supply projects produce material at scale, Beijing retains leverage over small-volume inputs with an outsized role in cars, chips, turbines and weapons, showing how a narrow customs restriction can become a much bigger industrial risk.

 

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