PTI freedom movement against Judiciary and Establishment: News, Discussion & Updates

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Good read. Simply put USA - Pakistan relationship has been and is "transactional " in nature . There is no Strategic interest. Even now the only interest is Counterterrorism.
The U.S., influenced by zionism which , often prioritises its geopolitical goals in regions with Muslim populations. It's not just about terrorims or counterterrorism, but seems aimed at exploiting opportunities to harm Muslims wherever possible. As for Pakistan, the objective seems to be keeping the country weakened and dependent. Keep Pakistan’s infightings alive. People like Asim Anjum zaradi nawaz are just like condoms
See what he did with his own people last night
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The U.S., influenced by zionism which , often prioritises its geopolitical goals in regions with Muslim populations. It's not just about terrorims or counterterrorism, but seems aimed at exploiting opportunities to harm Muslims wherever possible. As for Pakistan, the objective seems to be keeping the country weakened and dependent. Keep Pakistan’s infightings alive. People like Asim Anjum zaradi nawaz are just like condoms
See what he did with his own people last night
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Very sad indeed 😢
 
Case in point - the reported Bajwa push to compromise everything to get peace with India, whose interest was that pushing?

When a institution whose sole purpose was to take on the mortal enemy , its cheif wants peace with the enemy at all cost, then the vary purpose and viability of that institution should come into question. Everything is build for a purpose, when its purpose its gone, it lose its right to exist. From Musharraf onwards, Army leadership is trying to redefine and move the goal post from India to western front and "enemies within", the "Islamic terrorism" (we all know whose line they are toeing), and now engulfed into a completely unnecessary feud with the biggest civilian political stakeholder of Pakistan . If there are no significant enemies within, they have to be created. Justification for right to exist has to be found, regardless how crude and pathetic it might be. Why that quid pro quo plus was not maintained with India at sub conventional level of warfare knowing fully well what was going on when India was using afghan territory to cause all the havoc, shouldnt leave anyone in doubt.
 
When a institution whose sole purpose was to take on the mortal enemy , its cheif wants peace with the enemy at all cost, then the vary purpose and viability of that institution should come into question. Everything is build for a purpose, when its purpose its gone, it lose its right to exist. From Musharraf onwards, Army leadership is trying to redefine and move the goal post from India to western front and "enemies within", the "Islamic terrorism" (we all know whose line they are toeing), and now engulfed into a completely unnecessary feud with the biggest civilian political stakeholder of Pakistan . If there are no significant enemies within, they have to be created. Justification for right to exist has to be found, regardless how crude and pathetic it might be. Why that quid pro quo plus was not maintained with India at sub conventional level of warfare knowing fully well what was going on when India was using afghan territory to cause all the havoc, shouldnt leave anyone in doubt.

question is who is your enemy?

Before drawing conclusions, it is important to recognize that anyone familiar with Pakistan's policies over the last 50 years may simply conclude that Pakistan has often been its own worst enemy.

Security Challenges Facing Pakistan:Many of Pakistan's current security challenges stem from its own actions and policies over the past several decades. To blame a third country for these issues would be a misinterpretation of the situation and would only serve to fool oneself.
 
question is who is your enemy?

Before drawing conclusions, it is important to recognize that anyone familiar with Pakistan's policies over the last 50 years may simply conclude that Pakistan has often been its own worst enemy.

Security Challenges Facing Pakistan:Many of Pakistan's current security challenges stem from its own actions and policies over the past several decades. To blame a third country for these issues would be a misinterpretation of the situation and would only serve to fool oneself.

So from purely armed forces point of view, which I was refering to, the mortal enemy has to be some entity outside the borders of the nation. That is the primary objective of every national army that ever existed, either in defensive or offensive posture. The vary purpose of armed forces is not just to act in the times of war, but always be on the toe to lookout of that foreign entity and its weakness within and expliot them in the times of peace, aka hybrid war. That has been abandoned by Pakistan army since Muharrad and onwards.
 
Now this is next level treason
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Now this is next level treason

They also took iPhones as gifts from the Americans and on top of that
they have been buying equipment from Israel.

Can't make this shit up, these guys are open traitors.
 
When a institution whose sole purpose was to take on the mortal enemy , its cheif wants peace with the enemy at all cost, then the vary purpose and viability of that institution should come into question. Everything is build for a purpose, when its purpose its gone, it lose its right to exist. From Musharraf onwards, Army leadership is trying to redefine and move the goal post from India to western front and "enemies within", the "Islamic terrorism" (we all know whose line they are toeing), and now engulfed into a completely unnecessary feud with the biggest civilian political stakeholder of Pakistan . If there are no significant enemies within, they have to be created. Justification for right to exist has to be found, regardless how crude and pathetic it might be. Why that quid pro quo plus was not maintained with India at sub conventional level of warfare knowing fully well what was going on when India was using afghan territory to cause all the havoc, shouldnt leave anyone in doubt.
Which further enforces the idea that the actual conflict behind the scenes with India which was economic (not to compete but to hold your own) was realized as lost by these people and they saw their collapse as imminent.

Both right now and for the last so many years- the PA is best represented by this.
It is NOT a professional force anymore regardless of the majority of good dutiful people because of a successive cabal of mediocre self serving corporate hedge fund manager mentality leaders who press their own personal agenda and that of those abroad.

Doesn’t mean many politicians don’t fare any better, but that is their own fault for not letting the common masses pick up.

You cannot talk to “grassroots democracy “ and true change when you decide you are not part of it - this is also why IK failed because Hamid Mir’s book regardless of self aggrandizement does paint a picture of IK reinforced by his own former closest aids
microsoft-org-chart.jpg
 
You cannot deny the fact when you say it is ChatGP. You cannot deny the fact knowledge in it.
Now come the point Over the last 75 years, we have faced significant setbacks because the majority of our policymakers—perhaps 90%—think in ways that ignore the realities of modern geopolitical strategies. They often reflect the mentality of keeping one's head in the sand, much like a certain class within Pakistan. In today's world, powerful nations no longer need to directly invade or occupy countries to exploit their resources. Instead, they dominate by controlling a nation's economic structures, banking systems, and its leadership. They ensure that truly independent leaders never come to power, allowing modern forms of slavery to persist.

It is particularly difficult to invade a country like ours, with a population of 250 million and nuclear capabilities. Therefore, the more strategic method is to exert influence over a small group of people—perhaps 100 individuals—who hold control over the nation's decisions. This is how external powers manage to control countries indirectly, investing in key influencers rather than using military force.
I can definitely say its a pathetic article which cannot get even the spelling of SEATO right and copied it out of wikipedia.

But since you’re a 3 second tik tok fellow perhaps you did not read that I did not deny anything that you accuse me of denying.

Like a canine you’re just here to bark at every other car and repeat the same surface level PTI-supporter angst instead of actually reading into the crux and where the problem lies.
 
Which further enforces the idea that the actual conflict behind the scenes with India which was economic (not to compete but to hold your own) was realized as lost by these people and they saw their collapse as imminent.

Both right now and for the last so many years- the PA is best represented by this.
It is NOT a professional force anymore regardless of the majority of good dutiful people because of a successive cabal of mediocre self serving corporate hedge fund manager mentality leaders who press their own personal agenda and that of those abroad.

Doesn’t mean many politicians don’t fare any better, but that is their own fault for not letting the common masses pick up.

You cannot talk to “grassroots democracy “ and true change when you decide you are not part of it - this is also why IK failed because Hamid Mir’s book regardless of self aggrandizement does paint a picture of IK reinforced by his own former closest aids
microsoft-org-chart.jpg

When the selection of a COAS is done in a private meeting held in sleepy suburbs of Golra shareef over a "baith" between the father in law, and the "samdhi" of a so called politicians, to the incumbent gem produced, this time in hyde park corner, a big jump from desi surroundings (with all due respect to Golra shareef), then it becomes irrelevant as to what these individual or those close to them perceived IK's ability or lack of it to govern Pakistan. Pardon my French, but the expression "who the F are you, what are your credentials" comes to mind.

And no, its nothing to do with economy, its the American wish to toe the agenda and let India be strong enough to challenge China. Only jet black traitors will toe such line and agenda.
 
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When the selection of a COAS is done in a private meeting held in sleepy suburbs of Golra shareef over a "baith" between the father in law, and the "samdhi" of a so called politicians, to the incumbent gem produced, this time in hyde park corner, a big jump from desi surroundings (with all due respect to Golra shareef), then it becomes irrelevant as to what these individual or those close to them perceived IK's ability or lack of it to govern Pakistan. Pardon my French, but the expression "who the F are you, what are your credentials" comes to mind.

And no, its nothing to do with economy, its the American wish to toe the agenda and let India be strong enough to challenge China. Only jet black traitors will toe such line and agenda.
It has everything to do with the economy - a Pakistan with a strong economy could say no to the US and not beg perpetually.
 
It has everything to do with the economy - a Pakistan with a strong economy could say no to the US and not beg perpetually.

It's never been about Pakistan economy or lack of it, its all to do with general's and their off spring's retirement packages off shores, and that is tied with their obedience to western establishment agenda to propel India as bulwark against China. Try to play around with India, become a spanner in works for the western grand scheme to curtail China, say goodbye to the personal assets accumulated at their mercy, worse, their offsprings are liabilities without dwelling much into it.

When you are sitting on fire power which can end India many times over, you dont think about economy of enemy , you do what needs to be done, which to play below the conventional warfare and exploit enemy internal fault lines, scuttling its agendas and planning. It was not long ago when Airforce one was landing over burning new Delhi!

These useful idiots have forgotten the main purpose of the uniform they wear,
 
In modern Pakistan, echoes of the past resonate strongly as political movements take on the shape of historic power struggles. Just as foreign powers and regional actors influenced the political landscape of the subcontinent throughout history, the dynamics in Pakistan today reflect a contest for control, with Imran Khan at the center of this struggle. His supporters, primarily from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) but spanning the entire nation, are leading massive protests aimed at toppling what they claim is an illegitimate government installed through manipulation by external and internal forces. This dynamic has deep parallels to past events, particularly the historical shifts in power, such as the entry of Muhammad bin Qasim into Sindh and Mahmoud of Ghazni’s repeated raids.
Mahmoud of Ghazni, one of the most prominent figures in subcontinental history, launched 17 major campaigns into the region between 1000 and 1027 CE, each with a clear objective: asserting dominance and disrupting existing systems. In a symbolic parallel, the government that replaced Imran Khan’s administration came to power despite having won only 17 seats in the general elections, a stark contrast to Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), which had swept to victory with a two-thirds majority.
Imran Khan’s supporters argue that this government, led by the Pakistan Muslim League (N) and other coalition partners, was brought into power not through a democratic mandate but through intervention by the military establishment, allegedly under pressure from external influences. According to reports, Khan was ousted after a high-level intervention by a U.S. State Department official, who reportedly instructed the military leadership to orchestrate his removal following his independent stance in foreign policy. His supporters view this as a betrayal of Pakistan’s sovereignty, equating it to past moments when foreign powers played decisive roles in shaping the subcontinent’s political order.
One of the key distinctions in this political battle is that Imran Khan’s PTI is the only party in Pakistan with significant electoral support across all provinces—Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh, and Balochistan. This sets it apart from other major political entities like the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), which largely draw their strength from specific ethnic or regional bases. The PML-N, for instance, is dominant only in Punjab, while the PPP is primarily a Sindh-based party. Other smaller parties also have limited influence, often confined to particular ethnic or provincial constituencies.
Khan’s ability to unite the country across regional, ethnic, and provincial lines is unprecedented in recent Pakistani history, making PTI a truly national political force. His supporters view his ousting as an attempt by regional power players, working in conjunction with the military, to weaken the only party that can claim broad-based popular support. This struggle for control, in their eyes, is not just about political power but about the future of Pakistan’s democracy and unity.
Imran Khan has repeatedly accused the military establishment of undermining democracy by installing a “puppet government” that serves the interests of foreign powers rather than the Pakistani people. Much like the external actors who influenced the political landscape of the subcontinent in centuries past, Khan’s narrative suggests that the U.S. and other foreign interests played a role in shaping the country’s current leadership.
Khan’s removal in 2022, following a no-confidence motion, was seen by many of his supporters as part of a broader effort to curb his influence due to his refusal to align Pakistan’s foreign policy with Western demands, particularly his neutral stance on international conflicts. This perceived interference mirrors historical moments when foreign powers sought to install governments in the region that would serve their strategic interests.
The current military leadership, under General Asim Munir, is at the center of Khan’s criticism. Khan and his supporters accuse the military of facilitating his removal and propping up a government that is not reflective of the people’s will. This alleged manipulation by the military is seen as an affront to democracy, much like past moments when rulers were installed or removed by external influences, destabilizing local governance.
Khan’s supporters have launched a series of protests, particularly from the northwest, in an attempt to reclaim what they see as a stolen mandate. These protests, frequently originating in KPK, a region known for its history of resistance, have become a focal point of national politics. The involvement of KPK’s Chief Minister, who regularly joins the protests, adds weight to the movement and reflects a deep regional frustration with the central government.
The protests have thrown the government into disarray. Each time Khan calls for mass mobilization, the authorities respond by blocking major cities, particularly Islamabad, with containers and roadblocks in a desperate attempt to prevent his supporters from reaching the capital. These efforts to suppress the protests have led to increased tensions, with Khan’s supporters becoming more emboldened in their demands for the release of political prisoners, including Khan himself, and the restoration of what they see as a legitimate democratic process.
The political strategy mirrors past resistance efforts against centralized control. Just as Muhammad bin Qasim entered the subcontinent through Sindh, leading to significant changes in the region’s governance, Imran Khan’s political movement often begins in Pakistan’s northwest before pushing toward the heart of power in Islamabad. His campaign is framed as a struggle against a government that lacks a true democratic mandate, paralleling historical moments when rulers were imposed on the region without the consent of the people.
Imran Khan’s political movement is not merely a protest against an illegitimate government; it is framed as a fight for Pakistan’s democratic future. His supporters view his ousting as part of a larger plan to undermine national sovereignty, engineered by both internal and external actors. With PTI standing as the only political force with nationwide support, this battle is also seen as a struggle for national unity, in stark contrast to the regional and ethnic divisions that have long defined Pakistan’s politics.
Just as the subcontinent’s history was shaped by struggles for control between local rulers and external powers, today’s Pakistan is experiencing its own contest for sovereignty and democracy. Whether Imran Khan’s movement will succeed in reclaiming what his supporters believe is a stolen mandate remains uncertain. However, the parallels between this modern struggle and the historical power plays of the region remind us that the fight for political control in the subcontinent has always been a defining feature of its history.
 
In modern Pakistan, echoes of the past resonate strongly as political movements take on the shape of historic power struggles. Just as foreign powers and regional actors influenced the political landscape of the subcontinent throughout history, the dynamics in Pakistan today reflect a contest for control, with Imran Khan at the center of this struggle. His supporters, primarily from Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK) but spanning the entire nation, are leading massive protests aimed at toppling what they claim is an illegitimate government installed through manipulation by external and internal forces. This dynamic has deep parallels to past events, particularly the historical shifts in power, such as the entry of Muhammad bin Qasim into Sindh and Mahmoud of Ghazni’s repeated raids.
Mahmoud of Ghazni, one of the most prominent figures in subcontinental history, launched 17 major campaigns into the region between 1000 and 1027 CE, each with a clear objective: asserting dominance and disrupting existing systems. In a symbolic parallel, the government that replaced Imran Khan’s administration came to power despite having won only 17 seats in the general elections, a stark contrast to Khan’s Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), which had swept to victory with a two-thirds majority.
Imran Khan’s supporters argue that this government, led by the Pakistan Muslim League (N) and other coalition partners, was brought into power not through a democratic mandate but through intervention by the military establishment, allegedly under pressure from external influences. According to reports, Khan was ousted after a high-level intervention by a U.S. State Department official, who reportedly instructed the military leadership to orchestrate his removal following his independent stance in foreign policy. His supporters view this as a betrayal of Pakistan’s sovereignty, equating it to past moments when foreign powers played decisive roles in shaping the subcontinent’s political order.
One of the key distinctions in this political battle is that Imran Khan’s PTI is the only party in Pakistan with significant electoral support across all provinces—Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh, and Balochistan. This sets it apart from other major political entities like the Pakistan Muslim League-Nawaz (PML-N) and the Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP), which largely draw their strength from specific ethnic or regional bases. The PML-N, for instance, is dominant only in Punjab, while the PPP is primarily a Sindh-based party. Other smaller parties also have limited influence, often confined to particular ethnic or provincial constituencies.
Khan’s ability to unite the country across regional, ethnic, and provincial lines is unprecedented in recent Pakistani history, making PTI a truly national political force. His supporters view his ousting as an attempt by regional power players, working in conjunction with the military, to weaken the only party that can claim broad-based popular support. This struggle for control, in their eyes, is not just about political power but about the future of Pakistan’s democracy and unity.
Imran Khan has repeatedly accused the military establishment of undermining democracy by installing a “puppet government” that serves the interests of foreign powers rather than the Pakistani people. Much like the external actors who influenced the political landscape of the subcontinent in centuries past, Khan’s narrative suggests that the U.S. and other foreign interests played a role in shaping the country’s current leadership.
Khan’s removal in 2022, following a no-confidence motion, was seen by many of his supporters as part of a broader effort to curb his influence due to his refusal to align Pakistan’s foreign policy with Western demands, particularly his neutral stance on international conflicts. This perceived interference mirrors historical moments when foreign powers sought to install governments in the region that would serve their strategic interests.
The current military leadership, under General Asim Munir, is at the center of Khan’s criticism. Khan and his supporters accuse the military of facilitating his removal and propping up a government that is not reflective of the people’s will. This alleged manipulation by the military is seen as an affront to democracy, much like past moments when rulers were installed or removed by external influences, destabilizing local governance.
Khan’s supporters have launched a series of protests, particularly from the northwest, in an attempt to reclaim what they see as a stolen mandate. These protests, frequently originating in KPK, a region known for its history of resistance, have become a focal point of national politics. The involvement of KPK’s Chief Minister, who regularly joins the protests, adds weight to the movement and reflects a deep regional frustration with the central government.
The protests have thrown the government into disarray. Each time Khan calls for mass mobilization, the authorities respond by blocking major cities, particularly Islamabad, with containers and roadblocks in a desperate attempt to prevent his supporters from reaching the capital. These efforts to suppress the protests have led to increased tensions, with Khan’s supporters becoming more emboldened in their demands for the release of political prisoners, including Khan himself, and the restoration of what they see as a legitimate democratic process.
The political strategy mirrors past resistance efforts against centralized control. Just as Muhammad bin Qasim entered the subcontinent through Sindh, leading to significant changes in the region’s governance, Imran Khan’s political movement often begins in Pakistan’s northwest before pushing toward the heart of power in Islamabad. His campaign is framed as a struggle against a government that lacks a true democratic mandate, paralleling historical moments when rulers were imposed on the region without the consent of the people.
Imran Khan’s political movement is not merely a protest against an illegitimate government; it is framed as a fight for Pakistan’s democratic future. His supporters view his ousting as part of a larger plan to undermine national sovereignty, engineered by both internal and external actors. With PTI standing as the only political force with nationwide support, this battle is also seen as a struggle for national unity, in stark contrast to the regional and ethnic divisions that have long defined Pakistan’s politics.
Just as the subcontinent’s history was shaped by struggles for control between local rulers and external powers, today’s Pakistan is experiencing its own contest for sovereignty and democracy. Whether Imran Khan’s movement will succeed in reclaiming what his supporters believe is a stolen mandate remains uncertain. However, the parallels between this modern struggle and the historical power plays of the region remind us that the fight for political control in the subcontinent has always been a defining feature of its history.
Have some shame for comparing a male prostitute with Mahmood Ghaznavi. A shit cannot look like or smell like a rose. Shame on you.
 
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