Lebanon-Israel War | 2023-present

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[Solomon2]

Lebanon’s Other Occupation: The Deep State Shielding Hezbollah​

By Marwan El Amine

Marwan El Amine is a Lebanese political writer and Shiite opposition figure from Nabatieh in South Lebanon. He is a columnist for This is Beirut and Nidaa Al-Watan, and a frequent political commentator on Lebanese and Arab television.

Thu 3 Sep 2026 · 11:40 Beirut, Lebanon

Lebanon finds itself under two occupations. The first, obvious and at the center of diplomatic efforts, is Israel’s occupation of parts of Lebanese territory along the southern border. The second, far less visible but more dangerous, is the occupation of Lebanon’s state institutions by a deep state aligned with Hezbollah.

Israel’s occupation of southern Lebanon has clear origins. It followed Hezbollah’s launch of a “war of support” for Gaza on October 8, 2023 and the militia’s campaign on behalf of Iran starting on March 2, 2026. Israel withdrew from Lebanon in 2000, and again in 2006 after the militia ignited a war — well before Hezbollah's latest military misadventures. UN Security Council Resolution 1701, which governed Israel’s latter withdrawal, called for the disarmament of non-state militias in southern Lebanon.
By contrast, the deep state’s occupation of Lebanon’s institutions could have more dangerous consequences for the country than Israel’s occupation itself.
Now, the U.S.-brokered Trilateral Framework commits the Lebanese state to dismantling Hezbollah’s military infrastructure in return for the Israeli military redeploying from Lebanese territory. There is, therefore, a clearly defined roadmap toward an Israeli withdrawal. The Framework makes clear that Hezbollah and its weapons bear responsibility for the continued Israeli occupation.

By contrast, the deep state’s occupation of Lebanon’s institutions could have more dangerous consequences for the country than Israel’s occupation itself. The deep state provides Hezbollah with political cover, defends its weapons and keeps Lebanon an open arena for advancing Iran’s interests. Nabih Berri sits at the pinnacle of this system and is widely regarded as the architect and chief patron of Lebanon’s deep state.
Managed by Berri, the deep state controls virtually all key positions in Lebanon’s military, security, judicial, and administrative institutions.
But the problem goes further. By defending Hezbollah’s arsenal, the deep state helps perpetuate Israel’s occupation of the south. It also undermines direct negotiations between Beirut and Jerusalem and keeps Lebanon as a bargaining chip in Iran’s negotiations with Washington.

Managed by Berri, the deep state controls virtually all key positions in Lebanon’s military, security, judicial, and administrative institutions. It makes these appointments in coordination with Hezbollah. How, then, can Lebanon expect someone whose position depends on the deep state and Hezbollah to confront the militia and dismantle its military infrastructure?

The deep state is also the patron of corruption in all its forms in Lebanon. It channels a significant portion of the state budget toward Hezbollah through government ministries and the Council of the South, while also awarding inflated contracts to private-sector contractors who help finance, support, and launder money for the militia.

More alarming still, however, is that the international community, particularly the U.S., continues to deal with pillars of the deep state, including politicians, military and security officers, judges, and senior civil servants, on the assumption that any solution to the Hezbollah problem must pass through them. These foreign powers believe they can strengthen Lebanese state sovereignty and extend its authority over the entire country through the very deep state operatives who have worked to undermine both.

Dismantling Hezbollah’s grip on Lebanon requires a multi-pronged campaign. Weakening the group militarily is a fundamental prerequisite, and Israel has done so to a considerable extent. But other measures are no less important, foremost among them ending the policy of engaging positively with the pillars of the deep state and delivering serious blows to their networks of power and influence.

Targeting Hezbollah’s weapons alone is not enough. Lebanon must also dismantle the deep state that shields Hezbollah and enables its grip on the state. This is where Washington can play a significant role by imposing sanctions on the pillars of the deep state across Lebanon’s political, military, security, judicial, and administrative institutions.

 

[Solomon2]

Hezbollah Denies Ties to Security Cell Reportedly Detained Over Alleged Plot to Destabilize Lebanon, Syria​

about 18 hours ago

Hezbollah Statements
Hezbollah’s Media Relations Office on Wednesday categorically denied reports that the group was linked to a security cell reportedly detained on allegations that it was seeking to destabilize security in Lebanon and Syria.

In a statement, the office said it “categorically denies reports by some media outlets, which persistently publish false allegations against Hezbollah,” concerning an alleged connection between the group and the security cell.

It stressed that “Hezbollah has no connection whatsoever, directly or indirectly, to any such cell or group, and that the allegations and accusations against it are entirely baseless.”

The office further said that “attempts by some media outlets to drag Hezbollah’s name into such security cases and attribute these allegations to anonymous sources are part of efforts to spread disinformation, tarnish the group’s image, and maliciously incite discord and undermine security and stability in the country.”

Source: Hezbollah Media Relations Office

 

[Solomon2]

Israel frees Lebanese captive, 4 more to be released​

by Naharnet Newsdesk 3 hours ago

Israel on Thursday released Lebanese captive Malek Ghazi, who was handed over to the Lebanese Army through the Red Cross.

Israel will also release four more Lebanese captives and return them to Lebanon as a diplomatic “gesture” to the government in Beirut amid ongoing negotiations between the two sides, an Israeli official confirmed.

Israel’s Channel 12 said the move comes in coordination with the U.S. and within the framework of negotiations between Lebanon and Israel.

More than 30 Lebanese captives are still believed to be in Israel's custody.

The Israeli official told The Jerusalem Post that the issue was discussed this week during a meeting in Jerusalem between Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, U.S. Ambassador to Lebanon Michel Issa, and U.S. Ambassador to Israel Mike Huckabee.

A Lebanese political source meanwhile told MTV that “the release of one or more captives is a dose of support for direct negotiations, and it had been expected that the first prisoner, Malek Ghazi, would be released yesterday, but it was postponed until today for logistical reasons.”

“Lebanon had been promised, since the (latest Rome) negotiations, that five captives would be released, and it is unknown whether it will receive the other four today or tomorrow,” the source added.

In the seventh round of talks, held in Rome in August 2026 under American mediation, the issue of detainees was an official topic of negotiations. The parties even exchanged initial lists of detainees and missing persons. According to Lebanese sources, Lebanon demanded that the first step be the release of a group of civilian detainees.

Ghazi's family, hailing from the southeastern town of Ain Ata, near the southern border village of Shebaa, said in October last year that they had lost contact with him after he had gone out to exercise.

He is the first citizen held by Israel to be released since the beginning of negotiations between Lebanon and Israel in April.

Netanyahu met the two U.S. ambassadors earlier this week as part of discussions over the negotiations with Lebanon.

The prisoner release comes despite Israeli dissatisfaction with a pilot zones arrangement currently underway in southern Lebanon.

The Israeli army has argued that the Lebanese Army is not making sufficient progress in clearing Hezbollah infrastructure from villages included in the pilot area.