hydrabadi_arab
Trusted Member
Fahd Husain July 05, 2026
India is in pain.
The last one year has been rather unkind to a country that had convinced itself of its super powers. The reality check, when it came, was harsh. Which is why the members of the Hindutva brigade remain in in denial even as their make-belief world collapses around them.
Should this matter to us in Pakistan?
Yes. But not in the conventional way. The fact is that both Pakistan and India are undergoing significant political, social and diplomatic changes. Navigating these changes requires absolute clarity shorn of ideological baggage and political hubris. India under the present Hindutva regime is unlikely to pivot to a realistic assessment of the situation. Which is why, we must.
This past week two developments pointed towards such a need. First, speculation swirled around Track 2 meetings between retired officials from both countries on foreign shores. A few days later, well-meaning prominent citizens from Pakistan and India jointly signed a petition calling for improved bilateral ties. Taken together, these developments suggested a desire to break the ice between Islamabad and New Delhi.
We should not walk down this path.
Instead, Pakistan should aim to institutionalise a well-considered and calibrated policy that acknowledges that India is a mere headache – and we need to find a cure as soon as possible. To do this, we should factor in three aspects of Hindutva India.
First, majoritarian India's obsession with Pakistan will only grow stronger as it slides further into officially sanctioned societal bigotry. The Hindutva project is fuelled by anti-Muslim hate and BJP's political ideology manifests this hate on to Pakistan. There is no cure in sight for this. This Hindutva bonfire will have to burn itself out over a generation or two. Or maybe not.
Second, this hate-machine will keep rational and reasonable Indians marginalised in political discourse and public debates that shape and influence domestic perceptions. There are little prospects of an attitudinal change in India.
Third, India's misperceived bluster and inflated sense of self can, and probably will, lead to another military conflict with Pakistan. We should make the next round a decisive one.
Once factored into coherent and clear-eyed policy, these three elements help decipher our way forward.
This starts with an unambiguous position that we are not interested in any kinds of talks with India. There are many people at home who take umbrage to such a position. They argue that we should appear 'reasonable' and maintain a 'peace posture' even if just for public consumption. I disagree. We have nothing to gain from talking with India as long as our neighbour continues to burn in Hindutva fever. In fact, it is better that we move away from this 'engagement' that is fashionable among some constituencies. I would go a step further and say we should politely (but firmly) say no to talks even if India wants to. This clarity will help us strategise our pivot away from our traditional focus on India.
But there are always exceptions.
None more so than Indian Occupied Kashmir. There should be zero flexibility in our position – even if it means reinforcing our diplomatic offensive at every international platform.
The other exception to our disengagement with India is its sponsoring of terrorism via Afghanistan. One of the weaknesses of our India policy is that we've remained weak in countering terrorism. In our new approach, we must tell India and our international partners that Indian sponsoring of terrorism inside Pakistan will entail a cost for India. The world has moved beyond diplomatic niceties in pursuit of national objectives. So should we.
We have India where we want it – against the ropes, angry at the world, bitter as a nation, diplomatically irrelevant, militarily humiliated, and internally fractured by brute majoritarianism. A nation of more than a billion people is in a state of collective sulk. If this wasn't enough, its policy blunders and misplaced hubris has today made it, arguably, the second most disliked country in the world (no prizes for guessing who's the first).
Best then to be amused by the faux bravado of people like foreign minister Jaishankar and buffoonery of clowns in Indian TV studios.
Here's the thing, though. Our India headache won't go away on its own. Their obsession with Pakistan is unlikely to evaporate with time. The odds of the Hindutva government blundering into another kinetic misadventure are, unfortunately, quite high. It is in this domain that we need the most clarity. The real cure for our headache will be found right here.
Three points are noteworthy:
First, we now know that the space beneath the nuclear overhang is where our strength lies. The Maarka-e-Haq victory in May 2025 showed us the strengths that need to be amplified, and the weaknesses that require immediate redressal. Time is right for Pakistan to develop a conventional conflict doctrine that builds upon the demonstrated lessons of our victory.
Second, we need to jettison our defensive military posture and fully embrace the concept of 'offensive defence'. Recent global events have proven with remarkable clarity that the logic of pre-emptive strikes has been thoroughly internalised across the world. For too long Pakistan has allowed India to initiate aggression across the Line of Control and the international border. Time is upon us to reverse this. We should be absolutely clear if we sense an imminent attack from India, we must adopt offence as the best form of defence. Clarity on this count will not only generate military strategy but also shape a powerful narrative that we need to communicate across the world.
The next round should be the defining round. We must prepare for the scenario and plan the exact outcomes we want with our conventional might. Not till India is inflicted intolerable pain will it stop being a headache for Pakistan.
The Indus Water Treaty provocations provide us a test case. India has already announced a project that will steal our Chenab water and divert it to the Beas River. Pakistan has correctly stated that any disruption in our water supply will be considered an act of war. We need to now flesh out this declaration through a well-articulated narrative that explains and justifies the kinetic action we will take if India does not desist from such provocations.
Nothing guarantees peace better than clarity, boldness and strength.
India is in pain.
The last one year has been rather unkind to a country that had convinced itself of its super powers. The reality check, when it came, was harsh. Which is why the members of the Hindutva brigade remain in in denial even as their make-belief world collapses around them.
Should this matter to us in Pakistan?
Yes. But not in the conventional way. The fact is that both Pakistan and India are undergoing significant political, social and diplomatic changes. Navigating these changes requires absolute clarity shorn of ideological baggage and political hubris. India under the present Hindutva regime is unlikely to pivot to a realistic assessment of the situation. Which is why, we must.
This past week two developments pointed towards such a need. First, speculation swirled around Track 2 meetings between retired officials from both countries on foreign shores. A few days later, well-meaning prominent citizens from Pakistan and India jointly signed a petition calling for improved bilateral ties. Taken together, these developments suggested a desire to break the ice between Islamabad and New Delhi.
We should not walk down this path.
Instead, Pakistan should aim to institutionalise a well-considered and calibrated policy that acknowledges that India is a mere headache – and we need to find a cure as soon as possible. To do this, we should factor in three aspects of Hindutva India.
First, majoritarian India's obsession with Pakistan will only grow stronger as it slides further into officially sanctioned societal bigotry. The Hindutva project is fuelled by anti-Muslim hate and BJP's political ideology manifests this hate on to Pakistan. There is no cure in sight for this. This Hindutva bonfire will have to burn itself out over a generation or two. Or maybe not.
Second, this hate-machine will keep rational and reasonable Indians marginalised in political discourse and public debates that shape and influence domestic perceptions. There are little prospects of an attitudinal change in India.
Third, India's misperceived bluster and inflated sense of self can, and probably will, lead to another military conflict with Pakistan. We should make the next round a decisive one.
Once factored into coherent and clear-eyed policy, these three elements help decipher our way forward.
This starts with an unambiguous position that we are not interested in any kinds of talks with India. There are many people at home who take umbrage to such a position. They argue that we should appear 'reasonable' and maintain a 'peace posture' even if just for public consumption. I disagree. We have nothing to gain from talking with India as long as our neighbour continues to burn in Hindutva fever. In fact, it is better that we move away from this 'engagement' that is fashionable among some constituencies. I would go a step further and say we should politely (but firmly) say no to talks even if India wants to. This clarity will help us strategise our pivot away from our traditional focus on India.
But there are always exceptions.
None more so than Indian Occupied Kashmir. There should be zero flexibility in our position – even if it means reinforcing our diplomatic offensive at every international platform.
The other exception to our disengagement with India is its sponsoring of terrorism via Afghanistan. One of the weaknesses of our India policy is that we've remained weak in countering terrorism. In our new approach, we must tell India and our international partners that Indian sponsoring of terrorism inside Pakistan will entail a cost for India. The world has moved beyond diplomatic niceties in pursuit of national objectives. So should we.
We have India where we want it – against the ropes, angry at the world, bitter as a nation, diplomatically irrelevant, militarily humiliated, and internally fractured by brute majoritarianism. A nation of more than a billion people is in a state of collective sulk. If this wasn't enough, its policy blunders and misplaced hubris has today made it, arguably, the second most disliked country in the world (no prizes for guessing who's the first).
Best then to be amused by the faux bravado of people like foreign minister Jaishankar and buffoonery of clowns in Indian TV studios.
Here's the thing, though. Our India headache won't go away on its own. Their obsession with Pakistan is unlikely to evaporate with time. The odds of the Hindutva government blundering into another kinetic misadventure are, unfortunately, quite high. It is in this domain that we need the most clarity. The real cure for our headache will be found right here.
Three points are noteworthy:
First, we now know that the space beneath the nuclear overhang is where our strength lies. The Maarka-e-Haq victory in May 2025 showed us the strengths that need to be amplified, and the weaknesses that require immediate redressal. Time is right for Pakistan to develop a conventional conflict doctrine that builds upon the demonstrated lessons of our victory.
Second, we need to jettison our defensive military posture and fully embrace the concept of 'offensive defence'. Recent global events have proven with remarkable clarity that the logic of pre-emptive strikes has been thoroughly internalised across the world. For too long Pakistan has allowed India to initiate aggression across the Line of Control and the international border. Time is upon us to reverse this. We should be absolutely clear if we sense an imminent attack from India, we must adopt offence as the best form of defence. Clarity on this count will not only generate military strategy but also shape a powerful narrative that we need to communicate across the world.
The next round should be the defining round. We must prepare for the scenario and plan the exact outcomes we want with our conventional might. Not till India is inflicted intolerable pain will it stop being a headache for Pakistan.
The Indus Water Treaty provocations provide us a test case. India has already announced a project that will steal our Chenab water and divert it to the Beas River. Pakistan has correctly stated that any disruption in our water supply will be considered an act of war. We need to now flesh out this declaration through a well-articulated narrative that explains and justifies the kinetic action we will take if India does not desist from such provocations.
Nothing guarantees peace better than clarity, boldness and strength.
