PTI News, Updates and Discussion

Do you think PTI has a future without Imran Khan?

  • Yes

    Votes: 22 19.6%

  • No

    Votes: 80 71.4%

  • Only if senior leadership is released

    Votes: 10 8.9%
  • Total voters
    112
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VCheng said:
Fraud is fraud. Why would you be okay with "managed fraud" and not with "outright fraud"? Oh wait, is it due to the fact that you prefer the results of "managed fraud"?

H.Y.P.O.C.R.I.S.Y.

That is why the cult of IK has ZERO credibility.
Click to expand...

Ok patwari…

did u have your donkey burger today ?
 
LC150 said:
Agree.. reality is as follows….

- Both local and foreign entities continue to exit Pakistan
- Every one worth their salt is desperately trying to leave Pakistan
- Report after report from IMF to world bank lambast corruption and low growth rate..
- Pakistan passport index now rival yemen

Congratulation on your new reality


Idiots
Click to expand...

That reality - none of it - is NEW. It has been the case of decades and decades, including IK's tenure. May be he really should have committed suicide as he promised.

Or do you still want to pick and choose data that only serves your agenda? That is a total fail.
 
VCheng said:
That reality - none of it - is NEW. It has been the case of decades and decades, including IK's tenure. May be he really should have committed suicide as he promised.

Or do you still want to pick and choose data that only serves your agenda? That is a total fail.
Click to expand...
Nope he was doing well.. clumsily exposed by mufta Ismaili..no wonder noonies kicked him ..lol

But You were are not…. How can you with your massive corruption and incompetence
 
VCheng said:
The improvement that I refer to was in avoiding the impending collapse that IK intentionally engineered in the waning days of his tenure.
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The 'impending collapse' you’re referring to here wasn’t "intentionally" engineered since it was just a byproduct of structurally malfunctioning Pakistani economy:
It happened again in the run-up to the 2018 election, when the polices of PML-N’s Ishaq Dar, which had produced a short-lived growth spurt but birthed massive balance-of-payments deficits, left behind a crisis-like situation for the incoming PTI government.

Then they went ahead and blamed the PTI for creating the mess and destroying the growth they had generated. It happened one more time when the PTI government was ousted in a vote of no-confidence in April 2022, leaving behind an inflation bomb and a balance-of-payments crisis for the incoming PDM government to manage, and then blaming them for it.

In each case, the policies that produced the growth that respective parties bragged about as their achievement, also produced the ensuing crisis. But the growth came during the time the party was in power, while the crisis was left for the next government to tackle, thereby making it easy to take the credit for the growth and blame the crisis on the successor. Fact is, both the growth and the ensuing crisis were two sides of the same coin, and could not be looked at in isolation.
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www.dawn.com

Comparing economic performances

What the indicators will not tell us, is whether a serious problem is growing inside.
www.dawn.com
 
Pakistan Space Agency said:
Those Bani Gala days
Economist story narrate anecdotes that protray complicated relationship between Imran, his wife, his spy chief

Fahd Husain
November 16, 2025
the writer is a journalist columnist tv anchor on x fahdhusain

The writer is a journalist, columnist & TV anchor; on X @fahdhusain

There is more to the Mr & Mrs Khan story than the Economist's latest report describes. But does a layered narrative of the former First Couple's days in power strengthen or soil their reputation?

Titled "The mystic, the cricketer and the spy: Pakistan's game of thrones" the Economist story dropped like a bombshell on an unsuspecting Pakistani public this weekend. Based on conversations with multiple people close to Imran Khan and Bushra Bibi, the story delves into how the relationship between the two blossomed over time and ultimately reached a point where she became the dominant influence on his life. The reporters narrate numerous anecdotes that paint a vivid picture of a complicated, collaborative – and often conspiratorial – relationship between the prime minister, his wife and his spy chief.

For those of us who covered the PTI years in power from close proximity, there is hardly anything new or groundbreaking in the Economist story. Many of the tales narrated were well-known in Islamabad circles in those times. Every anecdote was sourced to someone who had heard it from someone who had claimed he had been told by the person who was actually there when it happened. Some details were more credible and reported by actual witnesses themselves. The Economist story banks heavily on a mixture of hearsay and authenticated narrations. Smart journalism allows first-person, on-the-record quotes to substitute for evidence-based and triply authenticated facts. In this context, the story covers its weak spots well.

What it does not do that well is to situate this triangular relationship inside the broader power matrix of the time. PTI's transition from a side player to a popular party and finally into the government of the day was anything but smooth. In the process, the internal power dynamics of the party also went through numerous convulsions. People changed, relationships soured, and power often felt like holding burning embers in bare hands.

By the time Imran Khan took oath as the prime minister, some of his closest aides and advisers had already been ejected from his inside circle. The Economist story mentions two of them – Jehangir Tareen and Awn Chaudhry – but there were others too who found themselves barred from opening closed doors in power corridors. Inside the Red Zone, access is the real currency. It even trumps loyalty, as many PTI insiders found out to their shock and dismay.

To be fair to him, it is unlikely that Khan planned to play the access game the way it panned out. He was a newbie in Islamabad's power corridors, as were nearly all of his party loyalists. Six months into his government, a new architecture of power and access had manifested itself in the PM House and Bani Gala. What was once Khan's core group was now fragmented into various high offices across the centre and provinces.

Arif Alvi had been sent to the Presidency, Shah Mehmood Qureshi to the Foreign Office, Asad Umar to Finance, Imran Ismail to the Karachi Governor's mansion, Asad Qaisar to the Speaker's office at the National Assembly. Tareen and Awn were already out of the inner circle and Pervaiz Khattak had fallen from grace. Aleem Khan too was shunted aside after having been told that he would be made the chief minister of Punjab. Only Zulfi Bukhari retained his place in the inner most circle.

Except for Shah Mehmood, all others were new to their offices and struggled to settle into these roles. Once focused solely on gaining Khan's ear, now they had to fulfil official responsibilities that required time, commitment and – above all – dealing with the pressure of unrealistic expectations.

So, in this transformed scenario, who had Khan's ear? Who held the real currency of access to the Prime Minister of Pakistan?

In Khan's case, there were three channels of access. People who controlled these channels, or avenues, had the PM's ear. When they had his ear, they had influence on him. Bushra Bibi was one of them.

What made access to him even tighter was his new routine. Once thriving in public appearances, Khan the PM now spent almost all his time either in the PM House, or the PM Secretariat, or at Bani Gala. At the PM House, his gatekeeper – the man who controlled his schedule – was Secretary to the PM, or SPM, Azam Khan. Khan's dependency on him was explained by the fact that he did not understand the workings of the government. Azam Khan, for the most part, decided who met the PM, or spoke with him, or attended a meeting with him. The bureaucratic and official system built a steel ring around the new PM. Loyalists used to being in touch with Khan constantly now found themselves outside this steel ring.

The second channel of access was through Rawalpindi and Aabpara. Three men had the PM's ear via this channel: Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa, DG ISI Lt Gen Faiz Hameed and DG ISPR Lt Gen Asif Ghafoor. These three had facilitated his ascent to power and were now his principal advisers on most matters of the state. The third channel – arguably the most powerful – was Bushra Bibi. While Azam Khan, the SPM, controlled the PM House, she controlled Bani Gala. From the day that Khan became the PM in August 2019 till about the middle of 2021 when differences began to crop up between him and the army chief, these four men and one woman wielded overwhelming influence on what Khan thought, said and did. It was not Bushra Bibi alone.

But when Khan's break with Gen Bajwa came, she had a major role in it. By this time, tales of strange rituals mentioned in the Economist story had started circulating in Islamabad. Whispers about Gen Faiz sharing inside information with Bushra Bibi, who would relay it to Khan as her mystic knowledge, were also reverberating across the capital. The evening that Gen Bajwa drove up to Bani Gala for what later was described as a tense meeting over the transfer of Lt Gen Faiz Hameed from ISI, news filtered out about the army chief's discomfort over Bushra Bibi's strange behaviour, some of which is mentioned in the Economist story. From then onwards, it was downhill.

Today, three years later, Bushra Bibi is the only one from among Khan's closest circle that still – presumably – has his ear. But is she a changed person? And is he? The answer to these questions may determine, to a great extent, how the story of Mr & Mrs Khan unfolds from here on.
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Have to admit noonies are great story tellers ..but no body believes them

They lie too much
 
VCheng said:
No where have I been optimistic about the state of Pakistan's economy, only realistic.
The improvement that I refer to was in avoiding the impending collapse that IK intentionally engineered in the waning days of his tenure.
Pakistan's economy did not collapse, as many wished for, and THAT is no small success.
And for morons quoting snippets out of World Bank reports, note that there is still a small positive rate of growth, but like always, it is utterly negated by the rapid rate of population growth. That has been a persistent feature of Pakistan's history. Those who still believe IK could have ever delivered on his promises of improving living standards are the real fools.
Whose fault is that, I wonder?
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Pakistan was literally on the verge of a default and that default was wished, if not engineered by the Messiah Khan and his followers after he lost power. His lobbying to stop the IMF loans, his appeals to Pakistanis to stop sending Remittances, and much else, including his constant marches and protests since 2014 point toward the Messiah Khan's neurotic focus on getting power and holding onto it at any cost.

But is Pakistan not better off now? I empathically say, Yes, compared with 2022/23. And I believe drastic measures are being put into place for stability, focus, and continuities of policies with potentially foreign backers, including even America, behind Pakistan now. Never have I felt Pakistan's prospects looking as good as they do now; I know that may sound like hyperbole but knowing where the stars are aligning since Pakistan's May 2025 conflict with India, I have this positive feeling. If Bangladesh progressed so much during Hasina's so-called authoritarian regime of 14 years then so can Pakistan. She took advantage of the focus and stability and that's what Pakistan is trying to now.
 
To help explain the analogy of Imran Khan…

In this video there is a groom , bride , relatives and a cat..

Groom - the establishment/Army
Bride - Nawaz , zadari group plus combo of choor.
Relatives - Pakistani awam
Cat - Imran khan


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