Keeping a weak man in Punjab is an old strategy. Remember Ghulam Hyder Wyne who was Nawaz Sharif,s munshi.
PTI News, Updates and Discussion
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Forsvaret
Trusted Member
Or simply not listening to a military general when making civilian political decisions:
VCheng
THINK TANK: CONSULTANT
And then they wonder why their cultism is not finding greater traction.
Wait. Let us let them carry on as they are. If they learn their lessons, they might actually become more formidable rather than mere mindless social media trumpets.
Pakistan Space Agency
Elite Member
Here's a fun fact that many people have either forgotten or don't know.
Cartoon-e-Azam Imran Khan was cheerleading General Pervez Musharraf initially because... because... because... he wanted to take advantage of the Tax Amnesty that was offered by the General to tax evaders. Cartoon-e-Azam Imran Khan showered all praises on the General claiming the coup was the best thing to happen to Pakistan.
As soon as the amnesty whitewashed Cartoon-e-Azam Imran Khan for not paying tax on his property that had been transferred to him from his dad, he suddenly becomes anti-Musharraf.
The Most Ehsaan Faramosh Insaan Imran Khan.
airhead
Registered Member
I was talking about local Australians and how they felt he was a God
airhead
Registered Member
Here is nothing on him ..faiz has t said a word dude ..it has been more than a year..keep looking
PakAl
Elite Member
It’s not a war zone. In politics, if you fail the first time, you get another chance and try again. The likes of Zardaris and Nawaz keep getting installed in power over & over again. But IK can’t even get one another chance because he made "mistakes" as PM of Pakistan?
He could have been PM again but the campain against armed forces cost him dearly. Asif Zardari and Nawaz Sharif cool down after a while and sort the issue out, this is why they keep coming back plus we have no other option. I am waiting for another political party, with clean politicians, professionals to challenge Pmln PPP and PTI, maybe after 2050s.
PakAl
Elite Member
Yeah, we’re all kinda stubborn. And what’re you gonna do about it except whining & crying everyday?
This reminds me of IK quote on foreign policy, he said the western world never respects puppets, you have to fight for your principles/Pak first policy and then they'll respect you (or destroy you if your weak). Current PM Shabaz Sharif "Beggers are not choosers" is the opposite policy.
PakAl
Elite Member
Maybe Imran Khan is thinking International pressure will get him released from jail, today UK BBC news was covering Imran Khan, his sons were on TV saying how their father is being mistreated in jail and under political motivated charges.
VCheng
THINK TANK: CONSULTANT
Whatever IK might be thinking, I think it would inappropriate for me, or anyone else, to speculate about what he might or might not decide to do.
Let us be patient and wait to see what IK decides. He is the best person to make that choice.
Oscar
Moderator
And this applies to all - military establishment cultists, PML or PPP cultists and so on. Worse off are fanatics and they don’t need to be Islamists.And then they wonder why their cultism is not finding greater traction.
Wait. Let us let them carry on as they are. If they learn their lessons, they might actually become more formidable rather than mere mindless social media trumpets.
After all, the best way to spot a fanatic is they will redouble their efforts even after losing total sight of their goals.
PakAl
Elite Member
In desi mentality everyone is a cultist. If you try not to be one you will be bitten by each and everyone. Jahalat is number one issue. But Oscar bhai what if everyone is a cultist, then what can one person do. I faced islamist cultists, little gangs on corners trying to recruit, if not you they go after family, and will definitely get one person, the same way we have corrupt mangi cultist, each one backing each other lies. On politics i know people who used to scream Zardari Zindabad but when they saw youth going to PTI they screamed Imran Khan Zindabad all over social media, So if everyone is doing this they why should we not defend our military and their decisions. Normally the islamist speak against Pakistan army, but deep down they want military coup, to get their own man in power, the Khalifah or call for rebellion, they don't care if Pakistan is destroyed.
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VCheng
THINK TANK: CONSULTANT
Oh absolutely!
Radio FM/AM is just as bad as Radio Jatti Umra and Radio Bani Gala.
Why does everyone exhibit such binary thinking? Either it is all good, or all bad, when just about everything in life is actually shades of gray.
Relevant to this thread:
IK was a great sportsman, and an awesome philanthropist, yet he also was a horrible PM.
The military is absolutely crucial and honor worthy when it does its constitutional duties, and a rightful target for criticism and censure when it exceeds those roles.
Why is that impossible for certain people here to fathom?
(I am beginning to think that all that inbreeding over decades is now increasingly evident by an average IQ that may not even reach double digits, if the level of discourse in this thread is anything to go by.)
Oscar
Moderator
The single message the PTI used most effectively borrowed straight from the recurring dictatorships was the cry against corruption. And they weren’t wrong to focus on it, because corruption truly sits at the heart of Pakistan’s dysfunction.
You can point to religious extremism, ethnocentrism, or bureaucratic inertia, but all of these are either symptoms or by-products of that same rot.
I’ve always maintained this: poverty doesn’t cause collapse - corruption does. Whether in a household or a state, decay begins not from lack of wealth but from betrayal of trust. This can be at a household or a national level.
After all there are money who come from less than afluent households but continue their strong family bonds while many elite families have disintegrated.
Corruption of money, of intent, of speech then erodes trust between people and between citizens and their institutions. Once trust fractures, the social contract collapses. The moral logic becomes, “Everyone’s on their own,” because no one believes anyone else is acting in good faith.
When leadership is corrupt, its example seeps downward. Ministers, bureaucrats, businessmen each takes the cue: if the top breaks the rules, why shouldn’t I? From there, individuals justify theft and tax evasion, not always from greed but from cynicism: “The system cheats me, so I’ll cheat it back.”
Imran Khan’s undoing wasn’t primarily administrative incompetence, it was credibility. Before his government even stabilized, allegations surrounding Buzdar and influence by Bushra Bibi’s circle blurred his anti-corruption stance. Once that moral high ground slipped, so did the energy of belief among his core supporters. He still commands tens of millions in backing, but the system’s inability (and perhaps unwillingness) to translate that into effective democratic participation leaves the masses frustrated rather than mobilized. And unlike Mujib or Bhutto, he operates in an era where truth and disinformation travel faster than conviction can form.
Zia promised a moral cleansing of politics; instead, his regime institutionalized hypocrisy while his inner circle enriched itself. Musharraf too rode in on the rhetoric of reform, yet his era ended with the same erosion of faith in leadership. Each cycle deepened the public’s disillusionment until now, people are too consumed with survival to care, let alone rebuild trust.
That’s the true tragedy: not that corruption exists, but that it has numbed an entire society into accepting it as natural law.
You can point to religious extremism, ethnocentrism, or bureaucratic inertia, but all of these are either symptoms or by-products of that same rot.
I’ve always maintained this: poverty doesn’t cause collapse - corruption does. Whether in a household or a state, decay begins not from lack of wealth but from betrayal of trust. This can be at a household or a national level.
After all there are money who come from less than afluent households but continue their strong family bonds while many elite families have disintegrated.
Corruption of money, of intent, of speech then erodes trust between people and between citizens and their institutions. Once trust fractures, the social contract collapses. The moral logic becomes, “Everyone’s on their own,” because no one believes anyone else is acting in good faith.
When leadership is corrupt, its example seeps downward. Ministers, bureaucrats, businessmen each takes the cue: if the top breaks the rules, why shouldn’t I? From there, individuals justify theft and tax evasion, not always from greed but from cynicism: “The system cheats me, so I’ll cheat it back.”
Imran Khan’s undoing wasn’t primarily administrative incompetence, it was credibility. Before his government even stabilized, allegations surrounding Buzdar and influence by Bushra Bibi’s circle blurred his anti-corruption stance. Once that moral high ground slipped, so did the energy of belief among his core supporters. He still commands tens of millions in backing, but the system’s inability (and perhaps unwillingness) to translate that into effective democratic participation leaves the masses frustrated rather than mobilized. And unlike Mujib or Bhutto, he operates in an era where truth and disinformation travel faster than conviction can form.
Zia promised a moral cleansing of politics; instead, his regime institutionalized hypocrisy while his inner circle enriched itself. Musharraf too rode in on the rhetoric of reform, yet his era ended with the same erosion of faith in leadership. Each cycle deepened the public’s disillusionment until now, people are too consumed with survival to care, let alone rebuild trust.
That’s the true tragedy: not that corruption exists, but that it has numbed an entire society into accepting it as natural law.
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