What Would It Take to Further Secure Pakistan’s Western Border?

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This is an AI-dictated post. It has been reviewed for gross inaccuracies, but errors and omissions are expected. The figures below are therefore intended as a starting point for discussion, not as authoritative cost estimates.


Purpose and scope​


The purpose of this post is to get a better understanding of the financial, logistical and security implications of substantially improving Pakistan's western-border security infrastructure, and, ultimately, to ask how much such investment might actually contribute to reducing militancy and violence and improving the broader law-and-order situation in Pakistan.


This is not a proposal for a particular military strategy, weapons system, or procurement program.


The specific vehicles, aircraft, weapons and other equipment used in the calculations below are hypothetical examples chosen primarily because they allow us to put concrete numbers on the problem. They are not necessarily the best equipment for the job, nor necessarily the most cost-effective. If someone can suggest better or cheaper alternatives, that's precisely the kind of feedback I'm looking for.


The objective is to get a first-pass estimate of the order of magnitude of the capital expenditure and recurring costs involved, and then have people with relevant expertise improve the assumptions.


There is also an important limitation to the scope of this exercise.


This is specifically about security infrastructure.​


It is not an attempt to model or cost the much broader set of policies required to address the underlying causes of militancy and instability.


Those issues are extremely important and may ultimately be far more consequential than border infrastructure. They include things such as:


  • improving government service delivery;
  • providing meaningful employment and economic opportunities;
  • improving healthcare;
  • improving education;
  • strengthening the state's presence and legitimacy;
  • preventing people from becoming alienated from the state and attracted to extremism;
  • strengthening democratic institutions at the grassroots level;
  • establishing genuinely empowered and effective local governments;
  • improving policing;
  • reforming and strengthening the criminal-justice system;
  • improving governance and reducing corruption; and
  • addressing other political, economic and social conditions that contribute to instability.

None of those issues are being ignored here. They are simply outside the scope of this particular calculation.


Indeed, one of the questions I ultimately want to ask is whether spending money on additional physical security infrastructure produces enough additional security to justify its cost relative to these other possible investments.




The hypothetical security architecture​


Pakistan's western border is approximately:


  • Afghanistan: 2,600 km
  • Iran: 959 km
  • Total: 3,559 km

A substantial amount of the infrastructure discussed below already exists. Pakistan has already invested heavily in fencing, forts, border posts, surveillance and other security infrastructure.


Therefore, the figures below should not be interpreted as saying that Pakistan needs to spend another $5 billion from scratch.


Instead, I'm asking a hypothetical question:


If we were to imagine a highly developed security architecture covering the entire western border, what sort of capital expenditure and recurring costs would we be talking about?

I'm using an exchange rate of PKR 281 = $1 throughout.




1. Border fencing​


Assume a 12-foot-high, double-sided fence.


My assumptions are:


  • Basic fencing cost: PKR 50/sq ft
  • Height: 12 ft
  • Conversion: 3.28 ft per metre
  • Double-sided: ×2
  • Installation, labor, transportation, engineering and miscellaneous costs: ×4

Therefore:


PKR 50 × 12 × 3.28 × 2 × 4 = PKR 15,744 per metre


or:


PKR 15.744 million per km


For 3,559 km:


PKR 15.744 million × 3,559 = PKR 56.03 billion


At PKR 281/$:


≈ $199.4 million


This is obviously a very simplified assumption. Actual costs would depend heavily on terrain, foundations, roads, drainage, gates, transportation, engineering requirements and numerous other factors.


And again, much of the border has already been fenced, so this should not be interpreted as Pakistan's remaining fencing requirement.




2. Fortified border posts​


Next, let's assume a substantial fortified border post every kilometre.


3,559 km ÷ 1 km = 3,559 posts


Assume each post has:


10,500 sq ft of construction area


at:


PKR 10,500/sq ft


Therefore, the cost per post is:


10,500 × 10,500 = PKR 110.25 million


For 3,559 posts:


PKR 110.25 million × 3,559 = PKR 392.68 billion


At PKR 281/$:


≈ $1.397 billion


Again, this is a hypothetical calculation. Pakistan already has a substantial network of forts and border posts, so the actual additional requirement would have to be determined separately.




3. Ground-surveillance radar​


Assume one ground-surveillance radar every 10 km.


3,559 ÷ 10 ≈ 356 radars


Assumed cost:


$100,000 per radar


Therefore:


356 × $100,000 = $35.6 million


This obviously isn't the complete cost of a surveillance system. Power, communications, operators, networking, maintenance, command-and-control integration and replacement would all have to be included in a real estimate.




4. Protected MRAP patrol vehicles​


For protected mobility and patrols, I'm imagining something broadly in the class of the Foxhound protected patrol vehicle/MRAP from the UK.


Again, Foxhound is only an example for the purposes of putting a number on the calculation. It is not necessarily the vehicle Pakistan should buy.


Assume:


Two MRAPs every 5 km.


That gives:


3,559 ÷ 5 ≈ 712 positions


Two vehicles per position:


712 × 2 = 1,424 MRAPs


Assumed cost:


$950,000 per vehicle, including the remote-controlled weapon station (RCWS).


For the hypothetical configuration, each vehicle would carry six personnel:


  • 1 driver
  • 1 vehicle commander
  • 4 rear troops

The hypothetical RCWS would carry:


  • a 40 mm automatic grenade launcher, using programmable 40 mm ammunition; and
  • a 7.62×51 mm NATO machine gun.

The programmable 40 mm ammunition is being included in this hypothetical configuration not merely because of its potential utility against small UAVs and loitering munitions, but also because air-burst ammunition can be useful against personnel taking cover, including militants conducting an ambush from behind walls, roadside cover or other positions where a conventional direct-fire weapon may have difficulty reaching them.


Again, this is not a recommendation for this particular weapon combination. It is simply the configuration I'm using for this exercise.


Cost:


1,424 × $950,000 = $1.3528 billion




5. Compact armed helicopters​


For rapid response and aerial surveillance, assume one compact armed helicopter every 50 km.


The hypothetical example I'm using is something in the class of the KAI LAH (Light Armed Helicopter):


  • compact;
  • twin-engine;
  • armed;
  • equipped with an autocannon;
  • hypothetical acquisition cost: $30 million per helicopter.

Number required:


3,559 ÷ 50 ≈ 72 helicopters


Cost:


72 × $30 million = $2.16 billion


Again, the KAI LAH is only an illustrative example. It isn't necessarily the best aircraft for this mission. A proper analysis might conclude that another helicopter, UAV, light aircraft, or some combination of systems would be more appropriate and/or cheaper.


And $30 million represents only the assumed acquisition cost. A real aviation program would have substantial additional costs for:


  • pilots;
  • technicians;
  • training;
  • simulators;
  • hangars;
  • spare engines and parts;
  • fuel;
  • weapons;
  • maintenance;
  • flight hours; and
  • eventual aircraft replacement.



6. Upgrading the equipment of 20,000 personnel​


Assume 20,000 security personnel receive an upgraded individual equipment package.


Allocation:


PKR 500,000 per person


The purpose would be to upgrade things such as:


  • optics;
  • night-vision/thermal equipment;
  • ballistic/bulletproof vests;
  • helmets;
  • communications equipment;
  • individual weapons and accessories;
  • medical/trauma equipment;
  • protective equipment; and
  • other field equipment required for operating along the border.

Calculation:


20,000 × PKR 500,000 = PKR 10 billion


At PKR 281/$:


≈ $35.6 million




Total hypothetical capital expenditure​


ComponentHypothetical cost
3,559 km fencing$199.4m
3,559 fortified posts$1.397bn
356 ground-surveillance radars$35.6m
1,424 MRAPs$1.353bn
72 armed helicopters$2.160bn
Equipment upgrade for 20,000 personnel$35.6m
TOTAL≈ $5.18bn

At PKR 281/$:


≈ PKR 1.46 trillion


So, using these assumptions, we're talking about a hypothetical capital expenditure of approximately:


$5.2 billion / PKR 1.46 trillion


Again, this is not an estimate of Pakistan's actual remaining requirement. It is simply the result of the hypothetical assumptions above.




What about annual costs?​


The capital expenditure is only the beginning.


For a rough first-pass model, I'm using the following annual maintenance/sustainment provisions:


  • Fencing — 2%
  • Border posts — 2%
  • Radars — 8%
  • MRAPs — 10%
  • Helicopters — 12%
  • Personnel equipment — 10%

This produces an approximate annual maintenance/sustainment and capital-replacement provision of roughly:


$433 million per year


But this is not the total annual operating cost.


A genuinely comprehensive calculation would also need to account for:


  • salaries and benefits;
  • fuel;
  • ammunition;
  • helicopter flight hours;
  • pilot and crew training;
  • spare parts;
  • major overhauls;
  • replacement of damaged equipment;
  • communications networks;
  • electricity and backup power;
  • roads and tracks;
  • logistics and supply depots;
  • medical facilities and evacuation;
  • intelligence infrastructure;
  • command-and-control systems;
  • additional surveillance systems;
  • drones and counter-UAV systems;
  • accommodation for personnel;
  • border-crossing infrastructure; and
  • eventual replacement of the capital equipment.

If any of the capital expenditure were financed through borrowing, there would also be interest costs.


So the true lifetime cost could be considerably higher than the $5.2 billion headline figure.




But how much would this actually accomplish?​


This, to me, is the most important question.


The $5.2 billion figure by itself doesn't tell us whether this would be a good investment.


What I really want to understand is:


How much would this actually reduce militancy and violence?


If Pakistan were to spend something approaching this amount on western-border security infrastructure, how much could we realistically expect to reduce:


  • cross-border militant infiltration;
  • militant attacks originating from or facilitated through Afghanistan;
  • attacks against civilians;
  • attacks against military and police personnel;
  • weapons and explosives trafficking;
  • militant logistical movement;
  • kidnapping and organized violence; and
  • the ability of militant organizations to maintain infrastructure and operate inside Pakistan?

And then there's the broader question:


How much would improved border security actually improve law and order inside Pakistan?


Would it produce a major reduction in violence?


A moderate reduction?


Or would militants largely adapt by relying on existing networks, local recruitment and other methods that don't depend on crossing the border?


This is where I'd particularly like evidence and informed analysis.




Border security cannot solve every part of the militancy problem​


Even a very effective border-security system wouldn't necessarily eliminate militancy.


Militant organizations can potentially rely on:


  • existing networks inside Pakistan;
  • local recruitment;
  • sympathizers and facilitators;
  • intelligence failures;
  • corruption;
  • safe houses;
  • criminal financing;
  • weapons already inside the country;
  • attacks that don't require a fresh border crossing; and
  • broader political, economic and social conditions that facilitate radicalization and recruitment.

This is why I don't want the discussion to become:


"Build a bigger fence and the militancy problem is solved."

That's clearly too simplistic.


The broader solution would also require the things mentioned at the beginning of this post: effective state service delivery, employment and economic opportunity, healthcare, education, legitimate and empowered local government, effective policing, a functioning criminal-justice system, good governance, and other measures that increase people's confidence in the state and reduce the appeal of extremism and militancy.


Those are fundamental issues, but they aren't what I'm attempting to cost here.


I'm deliberately isolating the security-infrastructure component so that we can understand what that component itself costs and what security benefit it might provide.




Where are the diminishing returns?​


Another question I'm interested in is whether there is a point at which additional spending produces relatively little additional security.


For example:


  • A fence makes infiltration more difficult.
  • A radar improves detection.
  • A fortified post provides a secure position.
  • An MRAP improves protected mobility.
  • An armed helicopter provides rapid response.
  • Better optics improve the effectiveness of personnel.

But these capabilities are complementary.


A radar is much less useful if there is no effective response capability.


A fence is less useful if there are insufficient personnel to monitor it.


An MRAP is less useful if intelligence doesn't tell the patrol where to go.


And none of these necessarily addresses the underlying reasons why people join militant organizations.


So the interesting question is:


At what point does another billion rupees spent on physical security produce less security than a billion rupees spent on intelligence, policing, justice, development or other interventions?



What am I missing?​


This is where I'd particularly appreciate informed criticism.


On the cost side​


Are my assumptions about:


  • fencing;
  • fortifications;
  • surveillance radars;
  • MRAPs;
  • helicopters;
  • individual equipment; and
  • maintenance

reasonable?


What major expenditure categories have I overlooked?


Are the intervals I've assumed reasonable, or would a completely different distribution of infrastructure make more sense?


Are there substantially cheaper technologies that could provide similar capabilities?


And how much would terrain, remoteness, logistics, fuel and maintenance increase the actual costs?


On the effectiveness side​


This is the part I'm most interested in.


How much would this sort of investment actually reduce militant violence?


Would its main benefit be:


  • preventing infiltration;
  • detecting infiltrators;
  • shortening response times;
  • disrupting militant logistics;
  • reducing weapons smuggling;
  • making attacks more difficult; or
  • simply forcing militants to adapt their tactics and routes?

And, critically:


How much improvement in the broader law-and-order situation inside Pakistan could realistically be attributed to improved western-border security?




Finally: can Pakistan afford it?​


If the hypothetical capital requirement is approximately:


$5.18 billion / PKR 1.46 trillion


and the recurring maintenance/sustainment provision is approximately:


$433 million per year


then we have another major question: fiscal capacity.


Could Pakistan realistically finance an investment of this magnitude from its own revenues?


Would it require domestic or external borrowing?


If borrowed, how much would interest add to the lifetime cost?


And would the reduction in violence be sufficiently large to justify the expenditure?


Or would some of the same money produce a substantially greater reduction in violence if invested in:


  • intelligence;
  • policing;
  • counterterrorism;
  • criminal justice;
  • local government;
  • education;
  • healthcare;
  • employment and economic development; or
  • other measures addressing the underlying causes of instability?



What I'm ultimately trying to figure out​


I'm not attached to the $5.2 billion figure, and I'm certainly not attached to the particular weapons and platforms I've used to generate it.


The Foxhound, the particular RCWS configuration, the 40 mm programmable ammunition, the 7.62 mm machine gun, the KAI LAH, the radar spacing, the number and size of forts, and even the fencing assumptions are all placeholders.


They are there because it's easier to have a meaningful discussion when we have concrete numbers rather than simply saying "Pakistan needs better border security."


If someone can say:


"This vehicle isn't appropriate; use X instead."

or:


"You don't need one fort every kilometre; here's a better configuration."

or:


"Your helicopter assumption is wrong; here's the actual acquisition and lifetime cost."

or:


"You have completely overlooked X, Y and Z."

or, most importantly:


"Here's the evidence showing how much these measures actually reduce militant attacks."

—that would make the exercise much more useful.


The goal is not to advocate a predetermined solution. The goal is to understand the scale of the problem: what a comprehensive security-infrastructure effort might cost, what it would cost to maintain, how it could be financed, what it could realistically accomplish in reducing militancy and violence, and where the money might produce greater security if spent differently.


In short:


How much would it cost to substantially improve Pakistan's western-border security, how much would that actually improve security inside Pakistan, and would the resulting benefits justify the capital, recurring and financing costs?
 
Source:
Not Applicable
Empty FATA and border towns in Balochistan. They become a militarized no mans land.

Deploy 600k troops. 300k in FATA and 300k on the Balochistan border. Nothing gets in or out.
 
Add another element: Military establishment stops taking cut from cross border smuggling especially the oil smuggling goldmine in Balochistan. The same border smuggling is the conduit for weapons and fighters.
 

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