Yes probably you are right. But trouble for Establishment is that none of these people or parties have been able to take off. So they are still stuck on Step 1.
Pti was supposed to be the Establishment's replacement for PPP/PML too once upon a time lol.
The way I see it, the establishment has one core instinct, they never let any political party grow beyond the amount of power they’re comfortable giving. That’s the real boundary line in Pakistani politics.
Once PTI started crossing that line, the establishment didn’t try to negotiate, they staged an entire drama to pull the party back down. Fake cases, engineered encounters, pressure campaigns, media narratives… all of it was meant to send a message:
“You don’t get to hold more power than we allow.” This is not democracy; this is what I call a modern-day slavery. Romain elite example fits perfrectly.
And now, instead of letting PTI regain that space, they’re quietly encouraging the rise of new political groups. Not because they love democracy, but because
a new party spreads power out, breaks the monopoly, and creates a situation where the establishment can manage everyone more easily. For them, that’s a win‑win.
This isn’t about ideology. It’s about control.
The establishment can thump its chest about shooting down Rafales or signing flashy defense packages all day long but none of that puts food on the table for the poor
awam. At some point, they’ll have to accept reality.... Pakistan is both
financially and
morally bankrupt, and survival now requires genuine give‑and‑take, not empty bravado.
People are struggling, the economy is suffocating, and the state is running on borrowed time. Even Chinese intellectual circles, traditionally Pakistan’s strongest supporters, have started openly questioning
Pakistan’s long‑term vision, its governance model, and whether the country has any coherent plan for the future.
Military posturing can’t hide the fact that Pakistan needs reform, humility, and partnership more than ever. Without that, no defense narrative can rescue a nation that’s collapsing from within.
The 34‑EZ model has the potential to generate enough
local, internal revenue that Pakistan would no longer need to depend on the NFC Award or wait for federal transfers. After studying more than
500 income‑generation frameworks across Europe, Africa, and East Asia, one thing becomes obvious, if designed properly, EZs can fix Pakistan’s financial crisis from the ground up.
But there’s one non‑negotiable condition,
the judicial system inside each EZ must be strong, independent, and uncompromising. Without a reliable justice structure, no investment comes, no contracts hold, and no revenue model survives. With it, the 34‑EZ framework can finally give Pakistan a sustainable financial backbone instead of the endless cycle of bailouts and dependency.
