Made up constitutional crisis in Fiji PM says if things don't go right, either the RFMF Commander or his successor will have to bring it back to order

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PM says if things don't go right, either the RFMF Commander or his successor will have to bring it back to order​

Priya Nand · 01/11/2026


PM says if things don't go right, either the RFMF Commander or his successor will have to bring it back to order

Prime Minister Sitiveni Rabuka says if things don't go right, either the Republic of Fiji Military Forces Commander or his successor will have to bring it back to order.

Rabuka made the comments while welcoming the RFMF Commander, Major General Ro Jone Kalouniwai and his team, who made their submission on the Constitution Amendment Bill 2026 before the Joint Parliamentary Special Committee.

He says there are concerns raised by Major General Kalauniwai in his capacity as RFMF Commander, particularly as he commands forces in Fiji and those deployed abroad.

He says whenever Fiji has faced national disruptions, the nation has had to solicit the support of the military and the police force to restore law and order and return it to the hands of the public.

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Rabuka says the importance of the Special Committee, its work and the RFMF's submission made may not be seen by many people.

Referring to the presentation by the Vanua ko Lau at Kshatriya Hall on Friday, Rabuka recalled the question raised during the presentation: how did we get here?

He says the presentation highlighted that this would be the first time since the Reeves Commission and the Great Council of Chiefs' advice to the late Dayaram Reddy, followed by the contestations that took place in Fiji and internationally, that the people's voices were heard in the final construction of the Constitution.

The Prime Minister says Fiji has once again reached a point where Parliament is opening its doors, with the legislative arm of the Government listening to the people and working towards constructing a Constitution that they hope will last for generations to come.

After the RFMF submission, Rabuka said that, on behalf of the committee members, they had received the submission and promised to consider it with the same deliberation and seriousness that the military had employed in preparing the meaningful submission.

He says they are not only making this promise to the RFMF but also to the people of Fiji, assuring that they will take the submission very seriously.
 
People anticipating a coup in Fiji, it would be the fifth coup if it really happened ;). The funny part is the military has made a submission to the Constitution Review Committee to remove the immunity clause in the constitution so that coup makers can be punished like ordinary criminals. The current PM Sitiveni (Rambo) Rabuka has not obliged, how could he, he was the original coupster of Fiji and carried out Fiji's first coup in 1987. He is losing public support and wants the military to do a coup to gain public sympathy.
 
People anticipating a coup in Fiji, it would be the fifth coup if it really happened ;). The funny part is the military has made a submission to the Constitution Review Committee to remove the immunity clause in the constitution so that coup makers can be punished like ordinary criminals. The current PM Sitiveni (Rambo) Rabuka has not obliged, how could he, he was the original coupster of Fiji and carried out Fiji's first coup in 1987. He is losing public support and wants the military to do a coup to gain public sympathy.

What are the main causes of disruption in Fiji that would lead to a coup?
 
What are the main causes of disruption in Fiji that would lead to a coup?
Loss of power for the elite bundled as loss of indigenous rights. Regional hegemons, Australia and New Zealand with Pacific rim country The USA also fear the China leaning Fiji First Party (unfounded accusation)that was ousted in 2022. Common accusations leveled at the FFP was the loss of sovereignty to Pakistan, then Qatar and finally to Bangladesh just because the former Attorney General Aiyaz Saiyad Khaiyum was a Muslim. Old game, during the Labour Government under the then PM Mahendra Chaudhary Fiji was supposedly sold of to India. I don't know how people are dumb enough to fall for the same bvllsh!t again and again.
 
You mean since the Indian population brought over by the British started fleeing because the native people wanted their Island back?
I know you are sore from the US midterm loss, please don't bring it here. btw do the natives in the so called usa want their country back?
 
I know you are sore from the US midterm loss, please don't bring it here. btw do the natives in the so called usa want their country back?

okay i can see you aren't a native iTaukei.

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We all know who runs the international fishing trade....
 
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okay i can see you aren't a native iTaukei.

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We all know who runs the international fishing trade....
Chatgpt what is wrong with this statement?
There are several historical inaccuracies and misleading generalisations in that statement. In fact, I would challenge Gemini's answer quite strongly, particularly its portrayal of the 1987 coups and the relationship between iTaukei Fijians and Indo-Fijians.

The biggest problem is that it turns a complicated political and historical event into a simplistic ethnic conflict narrative.

Let's break it down.

1. It wrongly generalises the iTaukei population​

Gemini says:

"The native iTaukei elite and nationalist factions became deeply restless over losing political power."
This is misleading for several reasons.

  • Not all iTaukei were opposed to the new government.
  • Dr Timoci Bavadra, the newly elected Prime Minister, was himself an iTaukei Fijian.
  • The Fiji Labour Party was not an exclusively Indo-Fijian party. It had a multiracial, working-class political platform.
  • There were significant differences within the iTaukei community, including between traditional chiefly leadership, nationalist groups, trade unionists and ordinary voters.
The 1987 election was not simply iTaukei versus Indo-Fijian. It was also a struggle over political power, chiefly authority, economic inequality and the future direction of Fiji.

Academic historian Stephanie Lawson specifically warned against reducing the 1987 crisis to a simplistic racial explanation.


Taylor & Francis Online+2


2. It ignores the democratic mandate​

This is perhaps the most important omission.

In the April 1987 general election:

  • The Fiji Labour Party–National Federation Party coalition won 28 of the 52 parliamentary seats.
  • The Alliance Party, which had governed Fiji since before independence, won 24.
  • Dr Timoci Bavadra was appointed Prime Minister.
On 14 May 1987, Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka staged a military coup and removed the democratically elected government.

The fundamental constitutional issue was that a government which had legitimately won an election was forcibly removed because sections of the political and military establishment opposed the change in power.

It is important to distinguish between legitimate indigenous Fijian interests and the actions of those who used military force to impose their political preferences.


Centre for Democracy & Dialogue+1


3. It misrepresents the Indo-Fijian community​

Gemini's reference to:

"The descendants of those imported labourers"
is historically reductive.

Yes, the ancestors of a substantial proportion of Indo-Fijians arrived as indentured labourers between 1879 and 1916.

But by 1987, we were talking about a community with more than a century of history in Fiji.

Many Indo-Fijians were:

  • Born in Fiji.
  • Several generations removed from their Indian ancestors.
  • Landowners under agricultural leases, business owners, professionals, teachers and civil servants.
  • Deeply established in Fiji socially, economically and culturally.
They were not temporary imported workers waiting to return to India.

The National Library of Australia's historical collection documents the original indenture migration and its dates.


National Library of Australia (NLA)+1


4. Did Indo-Fijians flee Fiji after 1987?​

The underlying point is correct
However, Gemini gets the timeline wrong by suggesting an immediate mass exodus.

The coups created enormous insecurity among Indo-Fijians, particularly following the subsequent political and constitutional changes.

The Migration Policy Institute provides some telling figures:

PeriodIndo-Fijian emigration context
1978–198620,703 total Fiji citizens emigrated
1987–199650,050 total Fiji citizens emigrated
1997–200016,825 total Fiji citizens emigrated
Approximately 90% of emigrants in the period covered by that analysis were Indo-Fijians.

These figures demonstrate the enormous impact of the coups, but also show that emigration was a continuing process rather than everybody suddenly fleeing in 1987.


Migration Policy Institute+1


5. It leaves out the intimidation and violence​

Another serious omission is what happened to Indo-Fijians after the coups.

There were attacks, intimidation, threats and destruction of Indo-Fijian property. The Taukei movement and militant nationalist elements played a role in creating an atmosphere of fear.

Even the proposed September 1987 political compromise, known as the Deuba Accord, failed when Rabuka staged his second coup on 25 September.

The political crisis was therefore not simply about people feeling restless. It involved the overthrow of an elected government, military intervention, ethnic intimidation and the dismantling of the existing constitutional order.


ANU Press+1



My assessment of Gemini's statement​

I would rewrite it as follows:

The events of 1987 marked a turning point in Fiji's history. Following the electoral defeat of the Alliance Party after 17 years of political dominance, sections of the indigenous Fijian chiefly establishment, political leadership and nationalist movement opposed the transfer of power to the newly elected Labour–NFP coalition led by Dr Timoci Bavadra, an indigenous Fijian.

On 14 May 1987, Lieutenant-Colonel Sitiveni Rabuka overthrew the democratically elected government in a military coup. Subsequent political upheaval, intimidation, ethnic tensions and constitutional changes created an atmosphere of insecurity, particularly among Indo-Fijians.

Although Indo-Fijians were descendants of Indian indentured labourers brought to Fiji during British colonial rule, by 1987 they constituted a deeply established, multi-generational Fijian community. The political developments following the coups contributed significantly to their emigration, particularly among educated and professionally skilled families. This exodus continued over subsequent decades and fundamentally changed Fiji's demographic composition.
One final observation: There is an important distinction between saying that indigenous Fijians were concerned about protecting their land, culture and traditional institutions, and saying that they collectively supported the overthrow of democracy.

The former was a legitimate political concern. The latter is an unfair generalisation.

And equally, being concerned about indigenous rights did not justify removing an elected government by military force.

I think that distinction is essential to understanding Fiji's 1987 history fairly.
 
haha...

A Clarification on Fiji's 1987 History: Correcting the Critique
Your scrutiny of the text misses the explicit distinctions already established in the narrative. In a rush to impose an academic template, you have manufactured generalities that simply do not exist in the original response.
Let's correct your misinterpretations directly:

1. You Overlooked the Explicit Focus on the "Elite"
Your primary and lengthiest criticism accuses the response of unfairly generalizing the entire native population, stating: "It wrongly generalises the iTaukei population... Not all iTaukei were opposed to the new government."
This pushback is entirely redundant. The original text explicitly used the phrase "the native iTaukei elite and nationalist factions" to define the orchestrators of the coup. It never claimed, nor insinuated, that ordinary working-class iTaukei collectively rose up. By specifically isolating the high-chiefly political and military establishment, the narrative focused on the exact institutional actors who weaponized racial anxiety to protect their own status—a fact you acknowledge yourself in your own summary.

2. You Misread the Emigration Timeline
Your fourth point claims that the text "gets the timeline wrong by suggesting an immediate mass exodus."
This is another misreading. The response stated that the coups "directly caused the descendants of those imported laborers to flee the country en masse" and initiated a "flight of these families [that] had immediate, devastating consequences."
Stating that an event caused an exodus does not mean the entire population packed their bags on May 15, 1987. The text correctly identifies the 1987 coups as the historical catalyst for a historic, generation-defining demographic shift. The data you provided from the Migration Policy Institute—showing 50,050 citizens leaving between 1987 and 1996—directly validates the assertion that the 1987 crisis triggered a massive, compounding flight of families.

Conclusion
There is no disagreement on the fundamental facts: an elite establishment violently overthrew a multi-racial democratic mandate, initiated an atmosphere of targeted intimidation, and sparked a decades-long demographic bleed. Your critique chose to ignore the precise boundaries already written into the text, resulting in a redundant argument over a distinction that had already been made.
 

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