Pakistan’s standing in the world

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India finds the situation in Pakistan ideal to pursue its hegemonic policies and dominate the region

Talat Masood

There are several determinants that contribute toward the influence, power and image of a country — one with strong democratic traditions, remaining within constitutional boundaries and its rulers adhering to the rule of law command respect. The government that comes into power after national and provincial elections has the support and trust of the people for it is the preferred choice of theirs. Simple and straightforward as it may sound several developing countries in Asia, Africa and the developing world fail to achieve it and are struggling. Pakistan too comes far short of it and keeps toying with hybrid systems that negate the very fundamentals of trusting people’s choice over preferences of institutions. The ruling PML-N and PPP coalition and a distraught and fragmented opposition led by PTI Independents occupy the National Assembly seats. This power structure lacks the inherent capacity to take tough economic and strategic decisions and is playing with limited options to keep the economy afloat. This weakness is reflected in our image and relations with major powers and neighbours as well. India finds the situation in Pakistan ideal to pursue its hegemonic policies and dominate the region. Even Afghanistan, supposedly a friendly neighbour, looks the other way while TTP and other inimical forces are allowed freely to operate from its soil against Pakistan. China, a close ally and foremost strategic partner in accordance with its traditions, does not make any public comments, especially about its friends, but must be rightly concerned.

So, when would the change in Pakistan’s policies and culture of work occur and what will trigger it? For it seems it has not been able to shake off its past outdated policies and slack work ethics. Taking a deeper look at the country’s politics one is unable to discern as to how it would contribute to strengthening and stabilising the country. It is too personal oriented and devoid of pursuing major long-term policies that will set the country on the right course.

It is a good coincidence that in these trying times we have an experienced and a balanced Finance Minister who seems hopeful of reaching a staff-level agreement for the new programme with the IMF before the end of the fiscal year. More significant is that he maintains Pakistan needs to abide by the IMF discipline for the next several years in order to execute the long delayed structural changes in the economy. Hopefully under his stewardship Pakistan will be able to conclude a new loan programme before the end of the present financial year. It is critical that the PM and the cabinet should fully support him in his endeavours to set the economy on the right path. Equally critical is that state institutions should abide by and implement the policies approved by the cabinet. It is only by developing and maintaining a self-sustaining and largely independent economy that Pakistan will be in a position to pursue domestic and foreign policies that are in the best interest of its people.

Its economy has been heavily dependent on international monetary agencies and the goodwill of major powers — the US and China or oil sheikhdoms. This is a matter that should be of serious concern that Pakistan in its seventy-six years of existence has not been able to achieve an economy that is self-reliant. It has mostly been in dire straits and has sought IMF loans twenty-four times.

Another question that needs to be addressed seriously is: who are the most powerful people in Pakistan? What are their qualities and basis of amassing that much power. Is it their standing in the political party based on the services rendered and qualities of leadership? Or is it on the basis of family connections rather than through a genuine democratic process? With democracy weak, the state institutions and the role of judiciary and army leadership in the affairs of the state increases. And how is it any different when you look at other countries?

These are simple questions but reflect on the state of democracy and the quality of leadership. Much more than that, these are determinants that will heavily influence the destiny of our country. These shape both domestic and foreign policy. When we delve into these questions, we come to the conclusion that most of the weaknesses are embedded in society and no serious effort is in the offing to overcome them.

The present security situation should also be a matter of concern. Pakistan is facing multiple and complex security threats with casualties of civilians and security forces on the increase. Although this is the cumulative fallout of the policies and alignments that Pakistan made with major powers and ideological groups over the last several decades. It was also the backlash of the geostrategic and geopolitical and economic rivalry between major powers that the region had been subjected to for the last several decades.

The present challenges that the country faces are no less. In the east we have a hostile India, with PM Modi refusing to engage with us and trade, and movement of people across borders is frozen. And there are no signs of the situation improving at least until the national elections in India that are due this year. In the west, the security threats faced from the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Afghan government patronising them and providing a safe sanctuary have compounded Pakistan’s internal and external threats.

With the political leadership’s focus elsewhere it has essentially left it to the army command to primarily deal with these threats. The economic development of the tribal belt in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan has also been mostly delegated to the army. Economic development and improvement in the security situation are key factors that need to be addressed seriously through a collaborative effort at the national level. Security issues also require close coordination with Afghanistan and China. A combination of economic development and selective kinetic measures will in due course promote peace and bring prosperity to Pakistan and also to the region at large.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 3rd, 2024.
 
it is an article of faith that when Pakistan is weak India will try to take advantage of Pakistan. And vice versa.
What about Bhutan, Nepal, Sri Lanka , Maldives? India call take on any of them. India doesn’t care, India does not covet land of neighboring country period.
 
What about Bhutan, Nepal, Sri Lanka , Maldives? India call take on any of them. India doesn’t care, India does not covet land of neighboring country period.
I am not saying whether one is right or wrong. I am just conveying the common perception
 

Regaining global relevance


PAKISTAN is becoming increasingly marginalised in international affairs. It is no longer able to shape the strategic environment in its neighbourhood to advance its interests, much less influence global geopolitics.

The country has faced reversals on a number of fronts, notably Kashmir and Afghanistan. Once an active diplomatic player in the Middle East, today its principal engagement with the region is to seek loans from rich Arab countries. Even the country’s most critical bilateral relationship — with China — is facing challenges. Its international relevance has been progressively declining and its diplomatic options shrinking.

A combination of factors is responsible for this situation. Pakistan’s economic weakness, political instability, unceasing turmoil, poor governance, continuing internal security threats and strategic confusion. The key question raised by this is why the country was strategically ‘relevant’ in the past when some of these characteristics were also present.

The answer is that factors or developments extraneous to Pakistan gave it a significant role and importance in global geopolitics. For over two decades after its independence, it was the Cold War that catapulted Pakistan into the position of a much sought-after ally by the US-led West in its fight against communism. Membership of Western-sponsored military alliances enabled it to benefit from significant economic and military assistance.

In the 1980s, it was the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan that propelled Pakistan in a ‘front-line’ role in the international coalition’s campaign to roll back Russian occupation. The defeat and disintegration of the Soviet Union was followed by a period in which Pakistan’s geostrategic importance declined precipitously. 9/11 dramatically changed that. Pakistan once again assumed a front-line role in the so-called War on Terror. This enabled the country to coast along for two decades in a globally prominent role as a result of the US and Nato countries’ need for Pakistan’s cooperation in the war in Afghanistan.

What all three phases underlined was that external dynamics, regional geopolitical storms or big power rivalries enhanced Pakistan’s international importance. Thus, factors extraneous to the country affected transformations in Pakistan’s global status, not its intrinsic importance. But in the changed international environment of the post-Cold War era what increasingly mattered was countries’ own attributes that gave them importance. There Pakistan came up short.

This should have been an urgent call to adjust to new realities. External overreach and internal underreach had characterised Pakistan’s past priorities and actions. That was no longer tenable. But successive governments failed to see the world had changed fundamentally and the days of living off geopolitical rents were over. Ruling elites didn’t understand the only way the country could reverse the erosion in its strategic importance was by strengthening and empowering itself at home and putting its own house in order. But old habits persisted as did outdated paradigms.

There are no short cuts to rebooting Pakistan’s international standing and influence.
Pakistan now has to operate in and adapt to a vastly transformed international environment. The post-Cold War era has given way to a world of growing multipolarity, where power is being redistributed and where there is intense competition among states for global influence. In this transformed landscape, it is increasingly the economic power of countries that gives them international clout and heft. Nations with strong economies and who are technology innovators are the ones that have become consequential in the international arena.

The growing importance and rising clout of ‘middle powers’ in global affairs reflects this. Middle powers are not superpowers but have characteristics that give them the ability to influence and shape geopolitics. Most middle powers have strong economies and possess other positive attributes that provide them leverage in global affairs to pursue their national interests as well as the ability to build multiple relationships through skilful diplomacy.

The structural changes and dispersal of power in the international system — the currency of power having changed — has created an enabling environment for middle power diplomatic activism and for them to wield greater influence and become global players. Middle powers play off the US-China competition to strengthen their bargaining position even while they seek to enhance relations with both global powers. They try to avoid getting into the crosshairs of that confrontation but also reap advantages from it. This urges both the US and China to pay more attention to them to ensure they are not firmly tied to their rival’s camp.

Pakistan doesn’t figure today among middle powers that include many countries of the Global South, such as Turkiye, India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Singapore among several others. But it has all the potential to become one.

To be internationally relevant, it must first and foremost build a strong and resilient economy that is not reliant on external life support, on bailouts and borrowing — an economy integrated into the global economy, which at present it is far from being. This needs efficient governance, political stability and an end to the political squabbles that keep the country in such an unsettled, distracted and divided state. It also needs an educated citizenry and workforce that has the ability to innovate and contribute to scientific and technological progress. All this will engender national self-confidence that can empower the country with hope and optimism, which acts as a force multiplier.

Along with building domestic strength, incorporating soft power in the country’s diplomatic strategy will also help to improve its global standing and reputation. Understood as a country’s qualities or behaviour that appeals to others, soft power can be an indispensable tool to boost its international influence and image. Pakistan has several soft power resources which if identified and leveraged intelligently can help create positive perceptions about the country and build trust, which in turn, can elevate its position and elicit support from the international community for its foreign policy goals.

To sum up, Pakistan’s international relevance now depends on its domestic repositioning and the choices made at home to strengthen the economy, establish durable political stability, provide competent governance, invest in people and address its human development deficits. It also involves fashioning and implementing a coherent and imaginative foreign policy. What should be clear is that there are no shortcuts to rebooting Pakistan’s global influence.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.
 
India is now the 5th largest gdp on the planet at 4 trillion dollars and growing so fast it will become the 3rd largest by 2030 and 7 trillion dollars gdp .
It's even closing the massive gap on china and USA next two decades

At mere 350 billion dollars gdp and almost worthless currency and reserves I think Pakistan should not compare to a India that is on the verge of being the most powerful nation on earth bar china and USA by 2030

This proves nuclear weapons planes and missiles add up to didilly squat and gdp and reserves is everything in politics globally
 
India is now the 5th largest gdp on the planet at 4 trillion dollars and growing so fast it will become the 3rd largest by 2030 and 7 trillion dollars gdp .
It's even closing the massive gap on china and USA next two decades

At mere 350 billion dollars gdp and almost worthless currency and reserves I think Pakistan should not compare to a India that is on the verge of being the most powerful nation on earth bar china and USA by 2030

This proves nuclear weapons planes and missiles add up to didilly squat and gdp and reserves is everything in politics globally

Pakistan's biggest problem is that they never invested in education and healthcare for the masses
 
India is now the 5th largest gdp on the planet at 4 trillion dollars and growing so fast it will become the 3rd largest by 2030 and 7 trillion dollars gdp .
It's even closing the massive gap on china and USA next two decades

At mere 350 billion dollars gdp and almost worthless currency and reserves I think Pakistan should not compare to a India that is on the verge of being the most powerful nation on earth bar china and USA by 2030

This proves nuclear weapons planes and missiles add up to didilly squat and gdp and reserves is everything in politics globally
The best thing this Govt. has done is halting/reducing the bilateral ties with Pakistan, it clearly has no standing in front of India.

Pakistan gained earlier simply because of american interests in afghanistan, once it stopped no one has enough dollars to keep a dysfunctional economy afloat ,so it nosedived and has no chance of reviving anytime soon, it a security state/issue for India and deserves little no relevace.
 
The best thing this Govt. has done is halting/reducing the bilateral ties with Pakistan, it clearly has no standing in front of India.

Pakistan gained earlier simply because of american interests in afghanistan, once it stopped no one has enough dollars to keep a dysfunctional economy afloat ,so it nosedived and has no chance of reviving anytime soon, it a security state/issue for India and deserves little no relevace.

here, Pakistan is on ranked at 9th position by GFP this year :coffee:

 

SCO moot: boon for Pakistan​


The convening of the SCO conference in Pakistan represents a watershed moment, heralding a plethora of benefits for the host nation. This seminal event underscores Pakistan's strategic significance and its commitment to fostering regional cooperation and economic development. The prestigious gathering will bring together international delegates, business leaders and policymakers, setting the stage for an unprecedented opportunity for Pakistan to enhance its economic potential and regional integration. The conference underscores Pakistan's growing importance on the global stage. Hosting such a significant event not only elevates Pakistan's diplomatic stature but also highlights its pivotal role in regional dynamics.

The economic advantages of the SCO summit are substantial. As international delegates and corporate leaders gather in Pakistan to examine its economic potential, the event serves to catalyse growth in FDI in vital sectors such as energy, infrastructure and technology. The surge of global interest facilitates strong trade agreements and collaborative projects, especially in the fields of energy, infrastructure and technology. Moreover, the conference emphasises Pakistan's emerging market, drawing investors keen to leverage its strategic position and youthful demographic. The event also serves as a platform for Pakistan to present its diverse cultural heritage and dynamic societal attributes. Hosting a diverse assembly of nations will enable Pakistan to enhance its image, challenge existing stereotypes, and promote mutual understanding. This cultural diplomacy enhances interpersonal connections and encourages tourism, thereby reinforcing economic gains.

The SCO conference highlights Pakistan's geographical position, emphasising its role as a significant trade and logistics hub. CPEC is already reshaping regional connectivity, and the conference highlights Pakistan's pivotal role in enhancing trade between Central Asia, South Asia and other regions. This strategic positioning is expected to result in more advantageous trade agreements and heightened commercial activity, as international partners acknowledge the logistical advantages of directing goods through Pakistan's ports and overland routes. Additionally, the event strives to foster substantial knowledge sharing and the transfer of technology. Interactions with prominent experts and policymakers from SCO member states will enable the implementation of optimal practices and cutting-edge solutions. The integration of diverse ideas will strengthen the abilities of the Pakistani workforce, fostering the emergence of a more skilled and competitive labour market ready to address upcoming economic challenges.

Politically, the conference underscores Pakistan's significance as a regional power. By hosting leaders and policymakers from major SCO member states, including China and Central Asian Republics, Pakistan can strengthen its diplomatic ties and assert its influence in regional affairs. This event provides an opportunity for Pakistan to articulate its strategic priorities, advocate for its interests and contribute to shaping the regional agenda on critical issues such as security, trade and development.

The conference is going to bolster Pakistan's position in regional security and stability. By actively engaging in the SCO's security framework, Pakistan will gain from enhanced cooperation in addressing transnational challenges, including terrorism, extremism and drug trafficking. Collaborative security drills and intelligence exchange with SCO member nations will augment Pakistan's ability to tackle these problems, fostering a more secure and stable region.

The SCO conference will not only stimulate economic growth and diversification but also enhance Pakistan's regional role and security cooperation. By hosting this significant event, Pakistan is positioned to facilitate a more affluent and cohesive future, solidifying its status as a crucial participant in regional and global affairs.
 
India finds the situation in Pakistan ideal to pursue its hegemonic policies and dominate the region

Talat Masood

There are several determinants that contribute toward the influence, power and image of a country — one with strong democratic traditions, remaining within constitutional boundaries and its rulers adhering to the rule of law command respect. The government that comes into power after national and provincial elections has the support and trust of the people for it is the preferred choice of theirs. Simple and straightforward as it may sound several developing countries in Asia, Africa and the developing world fail to achieve it and are struggling. Pakistan too comes far short of it and keeps toying with hybrid systems that negate the very fundamentals of trusting people’s choice over preferences of institutions. The ruling PML-N and PPP coalition and a distraught and fragmented opposition led by PTI Independents occupy the National Assembly seats. This power structure lacks the inherent capacity to take tough economic and strategic decisions and is playing with limited options to keep the economy afloat. This weakness is reflected in our image and relations with major powers and neighbours as well. India finds the situation in Pakistan ideal to pursue its hegemonic policies and dominate the region. Even Afghanistan, supposedly a friendly neighbour, looks the other way while TTP and other inimical forces are allowed freely to operate from its soil against Pakistan. China, a close ally and foremost strategic partner in accordance with its traditions, does not make any public comments, especially about its friends, but must be rightly concerned.

So, when would the change in Pakistan’s policies and culture of work occur and what will trigger it? For it seems it has not been able to shake off its past outdated policies and slack work ethics. Taking a deeper look at the country’s politics one is unable to discern as to how it would contribute to strengthening and stabilising the country. It is too personal oriented and devoid of pursuing major long-term policies that will set the country on the right course.

It is a good coincidence that in these trying times we have an experienced and a balanced Finance Minister who seems hopeful of reaching a staff-level agreement for the new programme with the IMF before the end of the fiscal year. More significant is that he maintains Pakistan needs to abide by the IMF discipline for the next several years in order to execute the long delayed structural changes in the economy. Hopefully under his stewardship Pakistan will be able to conclude a new loan programme before the end of the present financial year. It is critical that the PM and the cabinet should fully support him in his endeavours to set the economy on the right path. Equally critical is that state institutions should abide by and implement the policies approved by the cabinet. It is only by developing and maintaining a self-sustaining and largely independent economy that Pakistan will be in a position to pursue domestic and foreign policies that are in the best interest of its people.

Its economy has been heavily dependent on international monetary agencies and the goodwill of major powers — the US and China or oil sheikhdoms. This is a matter that should be of serious concern that Pakistan in its seventy-six years of existence has not been able to achieve an economy that is self-reliant. It has mostly been in dire straits and has sought IMF loans twenty-four times.

Another question that needs to be addressed seriously is: who are the most powerful people in Pakistan? What are their qualities and basis of amassing that much power. Is it their standing in the political party based on the services rendered and qualities of leadership? Or is it on the basis of family connections rather than through a genuine democratic process? With democracy weak, the state institutions and the role of judiciary and army leadership in the affairs of the state increases. And how is it any different when you look at other countries?

These are simple questions but reflect on the state of democracy and the quality of leadership. Much more than that, these are determinants that will heavily influence the destiny of our country. These shape both domestic and foreign policy. When we delve into these questions, we come to the conclusion that most of the weaknesses are embedded in society and no serious effort is in the offing to overcome them.

The present security situation should also be a matter of concern. Pakistan is facing multiple and complex security threats with casualties of civilians and security forces on the increase. Although this is the cumulative fallout of the policies and alignments that Pakistan made with major powers and ideological groups over the last several decades. It was also the backlash of the geostrategic and geopolitical and economic rivalry between major powers that the region had been subjected to for the last several decades.

The present challenges that the country faces are no less. In the east we have a hostile India, with PM Modi refusing to engage with us and trade, and movement of people across borders is frozen. And there are no signs of the situation improving at least until the national elections in India that are due this year. In the west, the security threats faced from the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Afghan government patronising them and providing a safe sanctuary have compounded Pakistan’s internal and external threats.

With the political leadership’s focus elsewhere it has essentially left it to the army command to primarily deal with these threats. The economic development of the tribal belt in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan has also been mostly delegated to the army. Economic development and improvement in the security situation are key factors that need to be addressed seriously through a collaborative effort at the national level. Security issues also require close coordination with Afghanistan and China. A combination of economic development and selective kinetic measures will in due course promote peace and bring prosperity to Pakistan and also to the region at large.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 3rd, 2024.

Pakistan is 'only' 2 countries who never signed NPT, including India with P5s
And it's said, those who 'never' signed NPT are more powerful than those who signed NPT including P5 👍
A day we will understand, the power to 'sign' NPT including P5s is less than those who 'could' successfully denied NPT.....
 

Regaining global relevance


PAKISTAN is becoming increasingly marginalised in international affairs. It is no longer able to shape the strategic environment in its neighbourhood to advance its interests, much less influence global geopolitics.

The country has faced reversals on a number of fronts, notably Kashmir and Afghanistan. Once an active diplomatic player in the Middle East, today its principal engagement with the region is to seek loans from rich Arab countries. Even the country’s most critical bilateral relationship — with China — is facing challenges. Its international relevance has been progressively declining and its diplomatic options shrinking.

A combination of factors is responsible for this situation. Pakistan’s economic weakness, political instability, unceasing turmoil, poor governance, continuing internal security threats and strategic confusion. The key question raised by this is why the country was strategically ‘relevant’ in the past when some of these characteristics were also present.

The answer is that factors or developments extraneous to Pakistan gave it a significant role and importance in global geopolitics. For over two decades after its independence, it was the Cold War that catapulted Pakistan into the position of a much sought-after ally by the US-led West in its fight against communism. Membership of Western-sponsored military alliances enabled it to benefit from significant economic and military assistance.

In the 1980s, it was the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan that propelled Pakistan in a ‘front-line’ role in the international coalition’s campaign to roll back Russian occupation. The defeat and disintegration of the Soviet Union was followed by a period in which Pakistan’s geostrategic importance declined precipitously. 9/11 dramatically changed that. Pakistan once again assumed a front-line role in the so-called War on Terror. This enabled the country to coast along for two decades in a globally prominent role as a result of the US and Nato countries’ need for Pakistan’s cooperation in the war in Afghanistan.

What all three phases underlined was that external dynamics, regional geopolitical storms or big power rivalries enhanced Pakistan’s international importance. Thus, factors extraneous to the country affected transformations in Pakistan’s global status, not its intrinsic importance. But in the changed international environment of the post-Cold War era what increasingly mattered was countries’ own attributes that gave them importance. There Pakistan came up short.

This should have been an urgent call to adjust to new realities. External overreach and internal underreach had characterised Pakistan’s past priorities and actions. That was no longer tenable. But successive governments failed to see the world had changed fundamentally and the days of living off geopolitical rents were over. Ruling elites didn’t understand the only way the country could reverse the erosion in its strategic importance was by strengthening and empowering itself at home and putting its own house in order. But old habits persisted as did outdated paradigms.


Pakistan now has to operate in and adapt to a vastly transformed international environment. The post-Cold War era has given way to a world of growing multipolarity, where power is being redistributed and where there is intense competition among states for global influence. In this transformed landscape, it is increasingly the economic power of countries that gives them international clout and heft. Nations with strong economies and who are technology innovators are the ones that have become consequential in the international arena.

The growing importance and rising clout of ‘middle powers’ in global affairs reflects this. Middle powers are not superpowers but have characteristics that give them the ability to influence and shape geopolitics. Most middle powers have strong economies and possess other positive attributes that provide them leverage in global affairs to pursue their national interests as well as the ability to build multiple relationships through skilful diplomacy.

The structural changes and dispersal of power in the international system — the currency of power having changed — has created an enabling environment for middle power diplomatic activism and for them to wield greater influence and become global players. Middle powers play off the US-China competition to strengthen their bargaining position even while they seek to enhance relations with both global powers. They try to avoid getting into the crosshairs of that confrontation but also reap advantages from it. This urges both the US and China to pay more attention to them to ensure they are not firmly tied to their rival’s camp.

Pakistan doesn’t figure today among middle powers that include many countries of the Global South, such as Turkiye, India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Singapore among several others. But it has all the potential to become one.

To be internationally relevant, it must first and foremost build a strong and resilient economy that is not reliant on external life support, on bailouts and borrowing — an economy integrated into the global economy, which at present it is far from being. This needs efficient governance, political stability and an end to the political squabbles that keep the country in such an unsettled, distracted and divided state. It also needs an educated citizenry and workforce that has the ability to innovate and contribute to scientific and technological progress. All this will engender national self-confidence that can empower the country with hope and optimism, which acts as a force multiplier.

Along with building domestic strength, incorporating soft power in the country’s diplomatic strategy will also help to improve its global standing and reputation. Understood as a country’s qualities or behaviour that appeals to others, soft power can be an indispensable tool to boost its international influence and image. Pakistan has several soft power resources which if identified and leveraged intelligently can help create positive perceptions about the country and build trust, which in turn, can elevate its position and elicit support from the international community for its foreign policy goals.

To sum up, Pakistan’s international relevance now depends on its domestic repositioning and the choices made at home to strengthen the economy, establish durable political stability, provide competent governance, invest in people and address its human development deficits. It also involves fashioning and implementing a coherent and imaginative foreign policy. What should be clear is that there are no shortcuts to rebooting Pakistan’s global influence.

The writer is a former ambassador to the US, UK and UN.
All of the above waffle can be summed up in 1 para..

Duffers need to get out of politics and king making and give the mandate back to the ‘elected’ civilians not their chosen ones.. remove all army perks..
 
India finds the situation in Pakistan ideal to pursue its hegemonic policies and dominate the region

Talat Masood

There are several determinants that contribute toward the influence, power and image of a country — one with strong democratic traditions, remaining within constitutional boundaries and its rulers adhering to the rule of law command respect. The government that comes into power after national and provincial elections has the support and trust of the people for it is the preferred choice of theirs. Simple and straightforward as it may sound several developing countries in Asia, Africa and the developing world fail to achieve it and are struggling. Pakistan too comes far short of it and keeps toying with hybrid systems that negate the very fundamentals of trusting people’s choice over preferences of institutions. The ruling PML-N and PPP coalition and a distraught and fragmented opposition led by PTI Independents occupy the National Assembly seats. This power structure lacks the inherent capacity to take tough economic and strategic decisions and is playing with limited options to keep the economy afloat. This weakness is reflected in our image and relations with major powers and neighbours as well. India finds the situation in Pakistan ideal to pursue its hegemonic policies and dominate the region. Even Afghanistan, supposedly a friendly neighbour, looks the other way while TTP and other inimical forces are allowed freely to operate from its soil against Pakistan. China, a close ally and foremost strategic partner in accordance with its traditions, does not make any public comments, especially about its friends, but must be rightly concerned.

So, when would the change in Pakistan’s policies and culture of work occur and what will trigger it? For it seems it has not been able to shake off its past outdated policies and slack work ethics. Taking a deeper look at the country’s politics one is unable to discern as to how it would contribute to strengthening and stabilising the country. It is too personal oriented and devoid of pursuing major long-term policies that will set the country on the right course.

It is a good coincidence that in these trying times we have an experienced and a balanced Finance Minister who seems hopeful of reaching a staff-level agreement for the new programme with the IMF before the end of the fiscal year. More significant is that he maintains Pakistan needs to abide by the IMF discipline for the next several years in order to execute the long delayed structural changes in the economy. Hopefully under his stewardship Pakistan will be able to conclude a new loan programme before the end of the present financial year. It is critical that the PM and the cabinet should fully support him in his endeavours to set the economy on the right path. Equally critical is that state institutions should abide by and implement the policies approved by the cabinet. It is only by developing and maintaining a self-sustaining and largely independent economy that Pakistan will be in a position to pursue domestic and foreign policies that are in the best interest of its people.

Its economy has been heavily dependent on international monetary agencies and the goodwill of major powers — the US and China or oil sheikhdoms. This is a matter that should be of serious concern that Pakistan in its seventy-six years of existence has not been able to achieve an economy that is self-reliant. It has mostly been in dire straits and has sought IMF loans twenty-four times.

Another question that needs to be addressed seriously is: who are the most powerful people in Pakistan? What are their qualities and basis of amassing that much power. Is it their standing in the political party based on the services rendered and qualities of leadership? Or is it on the basis of family connections rather than through a genuine democratic process? With democracy weak, the state institutions and the role of judiciary and army leadership in the affairs of the state increases. And how is it any different when you look at other countries?

These are simple questions but reflect on the state of democracy and the quality of leadership. Much more than that, these are determinants that will heavily influence the destiny of our country. These shape both domestic and foreign policy. When we delve into these questions, we come to the conclusion that most of the weaknesses are embedded in society and no serious effort is in the offing to overcome them.

The present security situation should also be a matter of concern. Pakistan is facing multiple and complex security threats with casualties of civilians and security forces on the increase. Although this is the cumulative fallout of the policies and alignments that Pakistan made with major powers and ideological groups over the last several decades. It was also the backlash of the geostrategic and geopolitical and economic rivalry between major powers that the region had been subjected to for the last several decades.

The present challenges that the country faces are no less. In the east we have a hostile India, with PM Modi refusing to engage with us and trade, and movement of people across borders is frozen. And there are no signs of the situation improving at least until the national elections in India that are due this year. In the west, the security threats faced from the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Afghan government patronising them and providing a safe sanctuary have compounded Pakistan’s internal and external threats.

With the political leadership’s focus elsewhere it has essentially left it to the army command to primarily deal with these threats. The economic development of the tribal belt in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan has also been mostly delegated to the army. Economic development and improvement in the security situation are key factors that need to be addressed seriously through a collaborative effort at the national level. Security issues also require close coordination with Afghanistan and China. A combination of economic development and selective kinetic measures will in due course promote peace and bring prosperity to Pakistan and also to the region at large.

Published in The Express Tribune, April 3rd, 2024.
bottom of the barrel, insignificant!
 

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