AJK govt bans Joint Awami Action Committee, notification issued

Thanks for the unneeded obvious input which has little value when it shows a mechanism not the underlying root cause.
From your statement

"But - if we do agree that while the establishment is the core of a lot of ills -then it is also a mechanism that potentially could be used to deliver some form of solution because clearly all other avenues have failed."

it is obvious that you think that other avenues were tried

And now it is obvious to you that the only avenue checked was the establishment.

Anyway, I am out of here. Have a good day.
 
I disagree in that both the window - and the will for this does not exist and NO PROOF exists that this can EVER be implemented without total suppression or plain hijacking along ethnic(as already evidenced) lines.

I see the lack of ability with the collective and individual known as Pakistanis - regardless of ethnicity, gender, generation or job title to achieve or give rights.


Disagree all you want... thats your right.... but both your premises in this post fall apart the moment you start looking at them....

Firstly, the people are too unready to govern themselves........ That is nothing new... Iskander Mirza said it in the 1950s, and every martial law since has said the same.... It is the line every man used before he cancelled a vote.....Tried, failed, repeated..... and expecting a different result each time is not realism, it is folly..... You are saying what they always say, just in softer and a bit sugarcoated words..

Two, that ethnicity would hijack a free vote....... Record says otherwise....... Bhutto made by Punjab..... Benazir carried by all four provinces..... Nawaz swept the whole country in 1997..... People today vote Imran from Gilgit to Karachi, Wagah to Khyber....... The winning mandates were never ethnic, they were national....

And the erstwhile East Pakistan, since it is the ghost here..... It was not democracy that broke the country...... 1970 was the cleanest vote we ever held, Awami League won a clear majority, and it was the refusal to hand them power that lit the fire....

They tell it backwards to this day....... The lesson was never that elections are dangerous...... It is that stealing them is..... We learned nothing.

So no..... Democracy has no record of failure here. It has a record of never being allowed to run.
 
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even in this boycott by kashmiri at least land league got one geniune vote in this particular polling station
lol
 
@muz sb

Are you allowed to take a mobile phone inside a booth? I thought it would be banned.

Regards
It is banned but people take them even in the 2024 election my district Karachi Central NA 250 i managed to sneak in my phone as well the police officer did ask me that mobile phone are not allowed i sneaked it in
It was the first general election i voted in last one was Karachi mayor one unfortunately both were rigged and the candidate that won was made to lose and the dead zombie MQM candidate won as for mayor councilar though he did win he was also charged with trumped up bogus cases and vanished by our lumber 1
 
Keeping the theme going just a bit before we come back to the issue at hand - and for some different perspective.... or a good laugh.. @Cipher212 relax a little.

The answer is not “pick a saviour CEO.” It is redesign the org chart, then hire for specific seats.

A serious CEO of Pakistan Inc. needs six capabilities:
  • Capital structure — IMF, debt, tax base, SBP independence (CFO brain)
  • Multi‑province ops — KP, Balochistan, AJK as turnaround divisions, not enemy territory
  • IR / key accounts — US, China, Gulf, India risk management without personal brand theatre
  • Governance — accept a real board (parliament, courts, provinces); no dual CEO with GHQ
  • Product — growth model beyond “security rents + remittances + bailouts”
  • EQ under fire — negotiate with enemies and allies without turning every dispute into a loyalty test

You need a CEO + independent Chair + strong CFO + Chief Restructuring Officer for the periphery

Now this is where I enjoyed some Peach Malt and Nimco based on Dajj-AI-ls output:

Tier A — Plausible Centre of Gravity​

Imran Khan​

  • Fit: Still the strongest demand-side brand; can mobilise “shareholder” energy nationwide; anti-corruption story still sells; forces any settlement to deal with the largest excluded bloc.
  • Miss: Structural block (legal/political); historically weak coalition craft and board management; opposition mode often maximises chaos over institution-building; personalisation of the party.
  • Verdict: CEO only inside hard rules (independent election + real cabinet + no revenge HR). Otherwise he is a blocked founder(AHAHAA - EXACTLY WHAT I HAVE ALWAYS SAID ABOUT HIM) , not a deployable chief executive.

Shehbaz Sharif​

  • Fit: Best pure operator among electables—crisis administration, project push, coalition maintenance, deals with bureaucracy and business.
  • Miss: Not a strategy or legitimacy reset CEO; little appetite or power to redesign civil–military terms; Punjab delivery ≠ federation turnaround; reads as promoter-compatible management.
  • Verdict: COO / implementation PM, not sole turnaround CEO. Pair with a real CFO spine(lol) and a periphery settlement lead.

Bilawal Bhutto Zardari​

  • Fit: Federal instinct, younger national brand, better default IR optics than most dynasts, coalition manners, PPP’s Sindh+Balochistan arithmetic.
  • Miss: Limited scar tissue running a full crisis economy; party still patronage-heavy; can look lightweight next to hard power and street populists.
  • Verdict: Credible medium-term CEO track if locked to a ruthless CFO and written military non-interference. Not a solo saviour today.

Maryam Nawaz​

  • Fit: Political animal; message discipline; Punjab machine; can run a large “business unit” with aggression.
  • Miss: Polarising outside core base; national trust thinner than Punjab power; governance and dynasty optics.
  • Verdict: Star Punjab divisional CEO. Risky as group CEO without a neutral Chair and power-sharing formula.

Asif Ali Zardari​

  • Fit: Elite bargain broker; keeps multi-party maths alive; understands Pakistan’s real power market.
  • Miss: Trust and corruption overhang; wrong face for a reform equity story; not an operating or moral-reset CEO.
  • Verdict: Back-room Chair of the shareholders’ agreement, never the public turnaround CEO.

Nawaz Sharif​

  • Fit: Residual economic-management brand with part of the electorate; heavyweight in any grand bargain; PML-N still a core holding.
  • Miss: Age, legal/exile history, Punjab-centrism, repeated cycles with the establishment without fixing the structure.
  • Verdict: Elder Chair / pact guarantor, not day-to-day group CEO.

Shamshad Akhtar​

  • Fit: Rare adult combo—SBP, finance ministry, multilateral credibility; speaks creditor and institutional language; low theatrics.
  • Miss: No mass electoral machine; cannot alone hold the street or the generals.
  • Verdict: Ideal CFO or dual-key finance chief; possible non-executive Chair of economic governance. Not elected group CEO without a political face.

Reza Baqir​

  • Fit: Top-tier macro/IMF literacy; knows the external constraint; clean technocratic profile.
  • Miss: Easy to smear as “IMF man”; zero independent politics; implementation depends entirely on political cover.
  • Verdict: SBP / programme architect / CFO kitchen cabinet. Not PM.

Miftah Ismail​

  • Fit: Willing to say fiscal truth; reform vocabulary; business+politics hybrid.
  • Miss: Burned by party warfare; limited street; truth-telling without power becomes op-ed.
  • Verdict: Strong finance minister / fiscal board lead under a protective CEO. Not sole CEO

Tier B — Serious Secondary Politicians (AI is on 1000mg THC +CBD)​

Maulana Fazlur Rehman​

  • Fit: Ulema + street veto; national network; openly frames the uniform-vs-ballot question; useful blocking director on any over-centralising CEO.
  • Miss: Not a modern growth/export CEO; coalition rent-seeking history; social agenda clashes with global capital story.
  • Verdict: Powerful board minority / moral-political veto, not group CEO.

Mahmood Khan Achakzai​

  • Fit: Principled federalist voice; Pashtun legitimacy without TTP contamination; useful conscience on rights and federation design.
  • Miss: Small seat share; limited executive machinery.
  • Verdict: Federation ethics / constitutional director; must be in the room, not in the corner office alone.

Akhtar Mengal​

  • Fit: Electoral Baloch legitimacy; can sit across the table on political settlement in a way Islamabad enforcers cannot.
  • Miss: Fragmented Baloch field; limited federal admin depth; cannot “deliver” all Balochistan alone.
  • Verdict: Essential Balochistan political track lead in any CRO structure. Not federal CEO.

Mustafa Kamal​

  • Fit: Delivery politician brand (city/health ops); execution energy; less dynasty sludge than some peers.
  • Miss: Federal ceiling unclear; past party switches hurt trust; not a full-spectrum security+macro CEO.
  • Verdict: Municipal / social-sector ops CEO or strong federal minister. Stretch for PM.

Sirajul Haq (JI)​

  • Fit: Organised cadre; ideological clarity; clean-personal brand relative to many; useful on anti-corruption optics.
  • Miss: Economic modernity and IR flexibility limited; ceiling on plural coalition leadership.
  • Verdict: Coalition director / moral bloc, not group CEO.

Khalid Maqbool Siddiqui (MQM-P)​

  • Fit: Karachi urban machine; can unlock or block Pakistan’s economic lung.
  • Miss: Client of larger pacts; Mohajir lane not national story; trust volatility.
  • Verdict: Karachi divisional deal partner. Not federal CEO.

Ishaq Dar​

  • Fit: Knows the creditor ritual, finance ministry choreography, PML-N economic priesthood.
  • Miss: Markets often unconvinced; credibility gaps on numbers and path; old playbook.
  • Verdict: Transitional finance politician at best. Prefer Shamshad/Baqir-class for real CFO seat.

Ahsan Iqbal​

  • Fit: Planning continuity, documentation, “vision” paperwork, steady minister profile.
  • Miss: Incrementalism; not a crisis restructuring CEO; low fear factor for vested interests.
  • Verdict: Planning / narrative minister, not group CEO.

Khawaja Asif​

  • Fit: Blunt communicator; defence/foreign experience; can front tough lines.
  • Miss: Not a systems builder; polarising style; no full economic operating system.
  • Verdict: Civilian defence or foreign minister, never dual CEO with GHQ.

Mohsin Naqvi​

  • Fit: Establishment-compatible operator; admin and comms utility; Punjab familiarity.
  • Miss: Legitimacy problem as national CEO; reads as installed management.
  • Verdict: Tactical admin/comms, not reform CEO.

Asad Umar​

  • Fit: Real private-sector CFO brain + cabinet experience; can talk growth and markets.
  • Miss: Party polarisation; unfinished political brand; needs a bigger political roof.
  • Verdict: High-value finance/economy minister on a legitimacy ticket. Stretch co-CEO only in a unity cabinet.

Pervez Khattak (and senior KP PTI class)​

  • Fit: KP roots; knows the police/insurgency political economy better than Islamabad talkers.
  • Miss: National ceiling; party captivity; mixed governance record.
  • Verdict: KP bridge / provincial settlement table, not federal CEO.

Sheikh Rashid​

  • Fit: Populist antenna; media disruption; Rawalpindi symbolism.
  • Miss: No scale, no coalition glue, no institutional project.
  • Verdict: Spoiler/satirist director. No executive seat.

Tier C — Military (Named Logic + Types)​

Asim Munir​

  • Fit: Command depth; intel background; high-level IR access; can impose short-term order and external relevance.
  • Miss: As de facto group CEO: dual power, hard-state reflex, periphery treated kinetically, political HR allegations, title stacking = board capture.
  • Verdict: CSO only, on a leash. As Executive Chairman of Pakistan Inc., expected corporate outcome is control up, enterprise value down in the regions.

“Next COAS / service chiefs” (office, not personality cult)​

  • Fit: Professional warfighting, nuclear stewardship, counter-terror ops under policy.
  • Miss: Incentive system still pulls toward domestic politics and economic fiefs.
  • Verdict: CSO slate. Promote only those who accept written subordinate role to elected CEO.

Qamar Javed Bajwa (retired)​

  • Fit: Lived the hybrid years; knows costs of political engineering.
  • Miss: Credibility spent; associated with the problem set.
  • Verdict: Case study, not a return CEO/Chair.

Retired three-star “implementer” (class)​

  • Fit: Logistics, disaster, infrastructure execution discipline; time-bound SOE or project tsar utility.
  • Miss: Mission creep; Fauji/commercial conflicts; public reads “uniform back in charge.”
  • Verdict: Narrow CRO for a factory or flood authority, fixed term, civilian KPIs. Never political CEO.

Ex-ISI / MI professionals (class)​

  • Fit: Threat picture, external networks, crisis warning.
  • Miss: Domestic political misuse is the national disease.
  • Verdict: NSA to the PM with statutory limits—not parallel PM.

Air / Naval leadership (institutional)​

  • Fit: Genuine jointness, external domains (sea/air) underfunded in army-centric politics.
  • Miss: Cannot outvote army political weight alone.
  • Verdict: Full joint chiefs under civilian defence cabinet; avoid army-only CDF-as-owner model.

Uniformed group-CEO archetype (Musharraf model)​

  • Fit: Speed, fear, temporary macro stabilisations historically.
  • Miss: Hollowed parties/courts; exit disasters; 1971-method risk on internal dissent.
  • Verdict: No. Structural fail as permanent design.

Tier D — Businessmen & Industrialists​

Mian Muhammad Mansha​

  • Fit: Real scale CEO (banking + industry); capital allocation instinct; understands credit and conglomerates.
  • Miss: Peak-elite optics; no electoral licence; capture narrative writes itself.
  • Verdict: Chair of privatisation / national wealth board. Not elected PM.

Arif Habib​

  • Fit: Capital-markets fluency; SOE sale and listing mechanics; talks investor language.
  • Miss: Conflict-of-interest landmines; street illegitimacy.
  • Verdict: Markets / divestment mechanic on a transparent board.

Atif Bajwa​

  • Fit: Actual bank CEO scars; regulation and balance-sheet reality; credible with lenders.
  • Miss: Needs political roof; not a mass politician.
  • Verdict: Banking-system advisor or finance deputy. Strong Tier-A adjacent for CFO complex.

Muhammad Ali Tabba​

  • Fit: Modern industrial group leadership; export/industrial policy fluency; younger conglomerate professionalism.
  • Miss: Sector bias; no votes.
  • Verdict: Industrial policy + export council chair.

Musadaq Zulqarnain​

  • Fit: Manufacturing/export operator; earns in the real economy.
  • Miss: Narrow lane; lobby risk.
  • Verdict: Export war-room lead, not group CEO.

Shahzad Saleem / Zaid Bashir (next-gen industrial)​

  • Fit: Continuity of large groups with slightly fresher lens; board-ready.
  • Miss: Dynasty optics; untested nationally.
  • Verdict: Independent directors on SOE and SEZ boards.

Gohar Ejaz​

  • Fit: Textile/power-sector muscle; has done commerce-adjacent public roles; crisis-sector knowledge.
  • Miss: Lobbyist capture risk; not a federation healer.
  • Verdict: Sector crisis manager under strict conflict rules.

Syed Babar Ali​

  • Fit: Institution builder (industry + education philanthropy); moral authority in business class; long-horizon.
  • Miss: Age; cannot run daily politics.
  • Verdict: Near-ideal non-executive Chair / conscience of the capital class.

Hussain Dawood / Dawood orbit​

  • Fit: Energy, education, longer-cycle capital; sophisticated group governance exposure.
  • Miss: Insider-access perception.
  • Verdict: Energy transition + skills board, ring-fenced.

Irfan Siddiqui (Meezan)​

  • Fit: “Clean” financial brand; execution reputation; Islamic finance depth for domestic deposit base.
  • Miss: Not a political CEO; sector-narrow.
  • Verdict: Financial inclusion / banking standards lead.

Fawad Anwar / Sapphire-class textile principals​

  • Fit: FX-earning P&L; global buyer networks.
  • Miss: Collective action weak; policy rent-seeking history in the sector.
  • Verdict: Export P&L council, plural not singular CEO.

Fauji / Shaheen / Bahria commercial leadership​

  • Fit: Scale in fertiliser, food, banking, energy; project execution.
  • Miss: Dual role with state power = governance poison; crowds out private competitors.
  • Verdict: Recuse from policy or strict firewall. Not “CEO of Pakistan.” If used, only as normal taxpayers under competition law.

Forbes Under 30 Asia–class founders (Kidwai, Hussain, Ismail, Shahbaz, Ghani, etc.)​

  • Fit: Option value on tech, brands, global upside; youth story.
  • Miss: Not ready for state monopoly on violence or IMF politics.
  • Verdict: Innovation advisory council. Decades from group CEO.

Tier E — Technocrats & Professional State CEOs​

Ishrat Husain​

  • Fit: Deep institutional-reform brain; civil service and SOE diagnostics.
  • Miss: Age; blueprints without power become books.
  • Verdict: SOE / civil-service redesign architect with statutory teeth.

Umar Saif​

  • Fit: Digital state capacity, education/tech delivery, modern ops mindset.
  • Miss: Needs heavy political cover; easy to sideline.
  • Verdict: Chief Digital & Skills Officer.

Sania Nishtar​

  • Fit: Global health/systems brand; policy integrity reputation; can run complex social programmes.
  • Miss: Needs insulation from party HR.
  • Verdict: Health & social protection CEO (minister-plus).

Hafeez Shaikh​

  • Fit: Knows the IMF corridor and finance ministry pipes.
  • Miss: Political toxicity and trust deficits with large publics.
  • Verdict: Back-office programme technician only if unavoidable—prefer cleaner names.

Senior finance secretaries / SBP deputies / SECP chairs (clean cohort)​

  • Fit: Continuity of the pipes; regulatory detail.
  • Miss: Anonymous; fired when politics shifts.
  • Verdict: Permanent CFO office under legal independence norms.

Energy technocrats (power/petroleum professionals)​

  • Fit: Keep the lights on; circular debt is a CEO-level P&L hole.
  • Miss: IPP/capture gravity.
  • Verdict: Energy P&L chief with published loss-reduction KPIs.


    Condensed Scoreboard (Who Goes Where)​

    SeatShortlist (Fit → Verdict already above)
    Group CEO (PM)Constrained Imran or Bilawal track or Shehbaz-as-COO on unity ticket—not Munir
    Non-exec ChairBabar Ali–class / Shamshad-class / respected jurist elder
    CFO complexShamshad, Baqir, Miftah, Atif Bajwa-adjacent, Asad Umar
    COOShehbaz
    Punjab BUMaryam
    CSOMunir or successor only if subordinate
    Deal ChairZardari / Nawaz elder role
    Balochistan politicalMengal + wider table
    Federation conscienceAchakzai + rights mediators
    Export/SOE boardMansha, Tabba, Habib, textile principals under conflict rules
    Digital/skillsUmar Saif
    Health/socialSania Nishtar
    KarachiMQM-P + urban delivery type (Mustafa Kamal-class)
    Ulema veto directorFazl (board politics, not CEO)

Same characters but expecting a different result? What changes this time? They suddenly decide to do thier job rather than become billionaires?

I'm sorry I don't have a solution, but I see a gaping hole in this one.
 
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even in this boycott by kashmiri at least land league got one geniune vote in this particular polling station
lol

@gamaji dekho dekho kon aya !!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!!
 
Disagree all you want... thats your right.... but both your premises in this post fall apart the moment you start looking at them....

Firstly, the people are too unready to govern themselves........ That is nothing new... Iskander Mirza said it in the 1950s, and every martial law since has said the same.... It is the line every man used before he cancelled a vote.....Tried, failed, repeated..... and expecting a different result each time is not realism, it is folly..... You are saying what they always say, just in softer and a bit sugarcoated words..

Two, that ethnicity would hijack a free vote....... Record says otherwise....... Bhutto made by Punjab..... Benazir carried by all four provinces..... Nawaz swept the whole country in 1997..... People today vote Imran from Gilgit to Karachi, Wagah to Khyber....... The winning mandates were never ethnic, they were national....

And the erstwhile East Pakistan, since it is the ghost here..... It was not democracy that broke the country...... 1970 was the cleanest vote we ever held, Awami League won a clear majority, and it was the refusal to hand them power that lit the fire....

They tell it backwards to this day....... The lesson was never that elections are dangerous...... It is that stealing them is..... We learned nothing.

So no..... Democracy has no record of failure here. It has a record of never being allowed to run.
You are attacking the wrong pretext.
This is not about people being “unready to govern themselves,” so your whole chain of “if this, then that” objections is misaimed and typical AI-tone padding. You answered a claim I did not make.

What I am referring to is simpler and harder: people have not shown they will stay motivated enough to overcome the barriers the system places against democracy unless ethnic angles surge. That is the point. You flattened it into the old martial-law cliché and congratulated yourself(now which I read as your motivation on this thread so far) for refuting a straw man.

I said whenever democracy is sabotaged including recently, people have not shown the incentive or the sustained ability to fight for it purely as democracy.

Your examples do not refute this. They confirm it.
• Awami League 1970 was not some pure national democratic surge. It was Bengali ethnic nationalism in full. Six Points, language, cultural grievance, zero seats in the West, total sweep in the East. The mandate was ethnic to the core. When power was denied, the fight that followed was for Bengali self-determination, not abstract “democracy for Pakistan.”

• Bhutto’s PPP was built on Punjabi and Sindhi bases with socialist packaging. It was never a clean cross-ethnic democratic wave free of regional/ethnic pull.

The record is not that democracy was tried and failed. It is that it is repeatedly blocked, and the public response only becomes decisive when ethnic fuel is added. Without that, the incentive to carry the long fight for rights simply has not materialised at scale - Bhutto was hanged , IK was deposed - Same pattern everywhere else the ballot is stolen or derailed: short outrage, scattered protests, then exhaustion unless an ethnic or identity fuse is lit.

No long struggle. No durable coalition of “pro-democracy” officers and civilians carrying the fight year after year on democratic grounds alone. The incentive and the capacity simply do not appear at scale.
 
You are attacking the wrong pretext.
This is not about people being “unready to govern themselves,” so your whole chain of “if this, then that” objections is misaimed and typical AI-tone padding. You answered a claim I did not make.

What I am referring to is simpler and harder: people have not shown they will stay motivated enough to overcome the barriers the system places against democracy unless ethnic angles surge. That is the point. You flattened it into the old martial-law cliché and congratulated yourself(now which I read as your motivation on this thread so far) for refuting a straw man.

I said whenever democracy is sabotaged including recently, people have not shown the incentive or the sustained ability to fight for it purely as democracy.

Your examples do not refute this. They confirm it.
• Awami League 1970 was not some pure national democratic surge. It was Bengali ethnic nationalism in full. Six Points, language, cultural grievance, zero seats in the West, total sweep in the East. The mandate was ethnic to the core. When power was denied, the fight that followed was for Bengali self-determination, not abstract “democracy for Pakistan.”

• Bhutto’s PPP was built on Punjabi and Sindhi bases with socialist packaging. It was never a clean cross-ethnic democratic wave free of regional/ethnic pull.

The record is not that democracy was tried and failed. It is that it is repeatedly blocked, and the public response only becomes decisive when ethnic fuel is added. Without that, the incentive to carry the long fight for rights simply has not materialised at scale - Bhutto was hanged , IK was deposed - Same pattern everywhere else the ballot is stolen or derailed: short outrage, scattered protests, then exhaustion unless an ethnic or identity fuse is lit.

No long struggle. No durable coalition of “pro-democracy” officers and civilians carrying the fight year after year on democratic grounds alone. The incentive and the capacity simply do not appear at scale.


In your previous post it was Pakistanis lack the ability to achieve or give rights... Now you never said it and I am the one strawmanning..... That is not sharpening, that is trying to quietly rewrite the claim after it lost, then pretending the new one was always there.....


Loose/ambiguos language deliberately so you can "relocate" the moment it is disproved is not clever...... It is slippery.... You are better than that


And the AI line .... give it a rest, seriously ........ You have thrown it twice, so out of curiosity I ran your post through a detector..... It came back 93% AI...... Now I do not actually think you are a bot, I think these tools flag anyone who writes in complete sentences..... and then offer paid services to "fix" that issue..... Real problem is the answers keep making you uncomfortable and you are out of counters/answers ....... so now the reply is too clean.... Attack the formatting, last refuge of a lost argument..... You have become too boring and predictble now ...

Now if you are willing to drop the theatrics and have a serious debate, I can debunk each of the claims made in this post quite easily ... your call...
 
@Oscar

Your Bengal point is the one worth countering before anything else, so I will...... And before you reach for the AI mantra again, let me save you the trouble.... Everything below I have posted on this forum and the old PDF more than once, over the last 13 years, when AI was not even around......

You call 1970 purely ethnic..... Ok...... . Then explain 1954....


1954 provincial elections (due in 1951, delayed by the then establishment) was Bengali against Bengali......... Muslim League and United Front were both Bengali parties comprising of ethnic Bengalis contesting a Bengali electorate in a Bengali province........ There was no other ethnicity to rally against..... So whatever drove that landslide, it was not ethnic nationalism....... It could not have been.


What drove it was the 21 points........ Nationalising jute, a fair share of revenue, Bengali jobs in the services, autonomy...... Economic and democratic demands, not tribal ones...... The Muslim League, in power for 17 years, was wiped to 9 seats for failing on bread and governance vs 223 of the united front..... An electorate throwing out a failed incumbent.... The most ordinary democratic act there is.


And the awami verdict was dismissed within 2 months.... governor's rule imposed. They were not even allowed to run the government of their own province....


So the fuel was never ethnicity alone ....... In 1954 there was none available and they mobilised anyway, for economic justice and self rule....... What they were never given, in 1954 or 1970, was the right to actually win....
 

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