Bangladesh Socio-Political Crisis 2024

One thing that concerns me now is that many police haven't even turned up for duty. It is way more than 10 percent. It is said they are either hiding or fled. My question is what are they really doing?

Mentioned earlier about a guy i know of who got a «freedom fighter» Certificate, even though the gentleman was only 7-9 y.o. during the liberation war.

Now, let me tell you about his son, who is a Police Officer, and is romoured to have been awarded the job by virtue of being son of that «Freedom Fighter». This father and son illegally occupied a property of neighbour for past 12 years. The mother of police officer used to say «ami polisher maa» «I am mother of police» «no one can do anything with me».

Guess what happened the day Hasina fled? Both son and father is on hiding since that day!!
 
Mentioned earlier about a guy i know of who got a «freedom fighter» Certificate, even though the gentleman was only 7-9 y.o. during the liberation war.

Now, let me tell you about his son, who is a Police Officer, and is romoured to have been awarded the job by virtue of being son of that «Freedom Fighter». This father and son illegally occupied a property of neighbour for past 12 years. The mother of police officer used to say «ami polisher maa» «I am mother of police» «no one can do anything with me».

Guess what happened the day Hasina fled? Both son and father is on hiding since that day!!

Both parties do it buddy!

My British cousin’s house was occupied by the district BNP and they used it as their meeting place for 6 years.

He got it back after 1/11. And immediately sold it before BAL could get hold of it.

It was prime real estate!
 
Why did the coordinators keep the relief money in the bank?

Jugantor report
Published: 16 September 2024

Tran-y-66e86120b82e0.jpg


The anti-discrimination student movement leaders and activists received a massive response last August by announcing a public relief collection to help those affected by the recent floods. Responding to their call, numerous people were seen gathering truckloads of relief goods at Dhaka University's Student-Teacher Center (TSC).

According to the report of BBC Bengal, thousands of people regardless of caste and religion gave cash to the relief fund. Many people, young and old, came to TSC to donate their money, and some were overwhelmed. But whether the money deposited in the relief fund is being used properly or not, there has been a discussion on social media for the past few days.

Among them, Hasnat Abdullah, one of the coordinators of the anti-discrimination student movement, mentioned in a post on his verified Facebook on Saturday night that - except for expenses, the rest of the money is stored in Dhaka University's Janata Bank, Sonali Bank branch, Islami Bank and Mobile Banking. A new question arises. Discussions and criticisms started in different circles about this matter.

It is known that the anti-discrimination student movement started the public relief collection program in TSC on August 22 for the people of 11 districts affected by the flood. Subsequently, about 11 crore 10 lakh rupees were deposited in that fund in two weeks. Out of this, about 1 crore 75 lakh taka has been spent in helping the flood victims so far. The leaders of the anti-discrimination student movement said that the remaining Tk 9.35 million has been deposited in the bank.

Apart from this, as many essential products as food and other items were collected, they were distributed in about 191 trucks to the flood-affected areas. Since the flood situation in the country has improved at the beginning of this month, the platform has also informed that no new public relief was collected after the fourth of September.

In this regard, Hasnat Abdullah, one of the coordinators of the anti-discrimination student movement, said, " There is nothing to worry about the Tk 9.35 million of the relief fund formed to help the flood victims has been kept in the bank. Most of the rest of the fund after spending on the initial relief program has been deposited in the Dhaka University branches of Janata Bank, Sonali Bank and Islami Bank. No one can embezzle it even if they want to. Because they have been specially opened, where a teacher from Dhaka University is also involved. No one can withdraw money without the joint signature of two others including me.

He also said, ' At the very beginning of the fund collection, we decided that most of the money would be kept in deposits without spending all of it. We are conducting an audit on the income and expenditure of relief operations. The audit report will be released in the next few days. '

This coordinator also said, ' From previous experience, we know that in the later stages of natural disasters like floods, the affected people need financial assistance more. Now that the flood waters have receded, the money will be spent on helping the victims. Earlier we were thinking of doing other works including construction of houses for the victims, but it was not possible as the audit of income and expenditure was not complete. '

Hasnat Abdullah said that after the audit, all the funds will be spent on the rehabilitation of flood victims . As a result, we hope that the money of our fund will be useful to people in a fair and effective manner. '

 
Great feedback from Bangladeshi-American political scientist Ali Riaz regarding the challenges facing the interim government.

Constitution needs rewriting to bar autocracy

View attachment 65207

Bangladeshi-American political scientist Ali Riaz spoke to The Daily Star's Sadi Muhammad Alok and Sharif M Shafique about the uprising, the constitution, wholesale cases and arrests, and ties with the US and India, among other issues.

TDS: What's your take on the uprising that toppled the Awami League regime?

Ali Riaz: This didn't happen suddenly. Oppression, murders, enforced disappearances, and extrajudicial killings over the last 15 years played a key role here. Anger from these things combined with the 36-day student movement and determined the fate of autocrat Sheikh Hasina. The young students played a vital role in breaking the culture of fear, which was the base of her government's operation. People got out of that culture and took to the streets when the students called Hasina a dictator.

TDS: How would you define the regime's fall, described as a "revolution" or "mass uprising" by some and a "second independence" by others?

Ali Riaz: Definitely it's a mass uprising carried out by the mass people because the autocrat was ousted by their participation in a student movement. I wouldn't call it a "revolution" because that requires a post-revolution government by the revolutionists, which did not happen. Again, I wouldn't call it a "second independence". The 1990's movement was also called a "second independence" then.

I want to place the Liberation War above everything.

TDS: What are your observations on the activities of the interim government in its first month in office?

Ali Riaz: This government is facing huge challenges that were not seen before as people have put their trust in the interim administration formed under special circumstances. We cannot say that they are flawless. There are some criticisms. Overall, I can say that they are moving forward despite various obstacles. They aren't stuck or moving backwards. But I'd be happier if their activities were more dynamic.

The police and the administration collapsed and they could not be reformed yet. I can see that some quarters are trying to destabilise the country. There are attempts to instigate and create pressure from within and outside the country.

Overall, it wouldn't be right to assess them so hastily. We shall continue to talk, keep pressure and express our expectations.

TDS: Is it possible for the advisers, who have no experience in politics, to create a healthy political environment?

Ali Riaz: One of the main responsibilities of the hastily formed government is to create a new political arrangement that'll prevent the re-establishment of an autocratic rule in the future. Structural reforms and a political roadmap are needed for this. The government needs to specify its goal about politics and the way to achieve it, which is possible through discussions with the political parties, civil society and the student leaders. We're waiting for that. The government has formed several commissions for reforms, which is a positive move.

TDS: You've spoken about rewriting the constitution. Why? And how the interim government can do it?

Ali Riaz: One-third of the existing constitution has been declared unamendable. But it allows one to become incredibly powerful and it has some paths for creating autocracy. Rewriting the constitution is necessary to block these paths.

The July uprising has created such hopes and aspirations among the people that cannot be achieved by just amending the constitution. Besides, it is also necessary to ensure human rights, freedom of expression and accountability, and to make the state obliged to ensure these.

Rewriting the constitution is not solely the government's responsibility. Citizens and political parties should also be involved. I have suggested three possible ways.

The first is to form a constituent assembly, which can be done through election. The assembly and the interim government can work together to draft a constitution and hold a referendum on it.

Secondly, the interim government can draft a constitution and go for a referendum after taking expert opinions. The third option is to form a constitutional convention in consultation with all the political parties, and the draft constitution will be developed for referendum.

I am suggesting a referendum for all three options because people's opinions must be taken into consideration.

There might be other options, but at first, we need to decide whether we want to rewrite the constitution or just to amend it like we did in the past.

TDS: How can we stop the old practice of arresting and filing cases indiscriminately and taking people in remand arbitrarily?

Ali Riaz: Cases are being filed indiscriminately because of people's pent-up anger, which must be kept in mind. But I fear the cases will lose merit if they are being filed in such a manner. The government can form a separate cell to review each complaint. Based on the review, well-founded cases can be filed by the authorities.

Proper emphasis should be given on the killings during the 36-day movement in July and August. Sheikh Hasina, Obaidul Quader, the former home minister, and the former law minister must be held responsible because they gave orders to carry out such a massacre. They must be tried for committing crimes against humanity. Those who executed the orders should be tried based on the severity of the offences they committed. To ensure justice, all the perpetrators must be put on trial.

TDS: There are noticeable tensions in India-Bangladesh relationship. What are your thoughts?

Ali Riaz: Bilateral relationships must be based on equity and fairness, which was not the case for India-Bangladesh ties. India has done everything to keep an autocratic government in power here. Now, the people of Bangladesh have ousted that regime with the hope of restoring democracy. But, the Indian government is not willing to accept this reality.

The interim government has positive gestures towards the Indian government, but India's response is negative. India, not Bangladesh, is creating these tensions. So, India must resolve this. I hope, this relationship will be established on equity and fairness in future.

TDS: It is said that Bangladesh is entering the US's circle after the fall of Hasina. How correct is this?

Ali Riaz: Can the people who are making such statements give any specific evidence or sign to back their claims? Is there any change in US-Bangladesh relationship after August 5? I don't think so. Claiming Bangladesh is entering the US-led camp means spreading misinformation. Sticking to any bloc is like an attack on the country's sovereignty. The relationship with countries should be based on equity and fairness, whether with India, China, the US, Japan, Germany or others. National interests with sovereignty at the core should be the guiding factor in these relationships. Dhaka should communicate with Washington, Tokyo, Brussels, New Delhi directly, which is a natural thing for any sovereign nation. There was an idea that the US sees Bangladesh from India's standpoint. Will Washington change its policy to communicate with Dhaka directly bypassing New Delhi? Such signs aren't noticeable yet.

Source: https://www.thedailystar.net/news/bangladesh/news/constitution-needs-rewriting-bar-autocracy-3704011
Constitution must be rewritten to stop autocracy. There must be two terms limitations for PMs and MPs. Judiciary must be independent. Any change in constitution will require a public referendum. Minimum votes like 50% should be needed. I would like to Caretaking Govt maybe re-introduced.
I want the constitution to be autocracy proof. Create the mother of all gridlock
Also close relatives of the PM and MPs will not eligible to run in parliament by default.
 
Constitution must be rewritten to stop autocracy. There must be two terms limitations for PMs and MPs. Judiciary must be independent. Any change in constitution will require a public referendum. Minimum votes like 50% should be needed. I would like to Caretaking Govt maybe re-introduced.
I want the constitution to be autocracy proof. Create the mother of all gridlock
Also close relatives of the PM and MPs will not eligible to run in parliament by default.
Please - don't even think of a constitution that is autocracy proof. EVERY constitution written in recent years in democracies - the US, France, Germany, Japan, Italy, Greece...the list goes on - has tried to do that, and so has India. It simply isn't possible.
 
Please - don't even think of a constitution that is autocracy proof. EVERY constitution written in recent years in democracies - the US, France, Germany, Japan, Italy, Greece...the list goes on - has tried to do that, and so has India. It simply isn't possible.
Well you are right, but the point is throw as many roadblocks as possible to deter future PMs from autocratic.
Also wanted to say that we need to add another layer like House of Lords or the US Senate.
I have little faith in BNP, with the absence of a strong opposition, there will be no one to stop them from becoming another tyrant.
 
Well you are right, but the point is throw as many roadblocks as possible to deter future PMs from autocratic.
It simply isn't possible to stand against social processes. The Awami League had support, it did not parachute into power. It gave way to two dictatorships, one of which was thinly disguised as a political party in power. That alternative political party also enjoyed the support of people. So both the marquee parties had support.

At the moment, the support for the Awami League is rock-bottom minimum, and there are no signs of recovery. That itself is bad for your constitution-making process, because whether the new constitution that you have proposed is drawn up by a constituent assembly (an elected body), or by the interim government, through consultations, or by a constitutional convention, that I take to mean a gathering of political parties by invitation from the interim government and without election, there will be bias, bias inviting a future autocracy.

Where will any country find a universal formula that defies the ravages of time, the changes in the neighbourhood, the developments in the country's economy and ecology and society?

As a citizen of a neighbouring state, this will be interesting, morbidly interesting, to watch.
 
View attachment 65543

Hopefully now the law and order situation will improve with Army deployment.
It might help to look at parallel processes, in neighbouring countries.

The earlier British system was to appoint very senior police officers, of the rank of Commissioner of Police at least (there was only one in united Bengal, the Commissioner of Police, Calcutta) Justices of the Peace, ie, magistrates. In other words, that officer and that officer only had the authority and power of a magistrate, including ordering a forceful dispersal (lathi charge), or tear gas shell firing, or, in the last resort, live ammunition firing on an unlawful assembly,

That was the prevalent rule right through, until the late 50s.

Until then, law and order had never ever broken down to the extent that the civil power was absent; there was always a magistrate to authorise action, police action, normally, or military action in the aid of the civil power. The first breakdown came in Nagaland, and then, later, in Mizoram. The civil power was attacked and destroyed, and both magistrates and policemen withdrew from the troubled areas, leaving the Army alone to handle the situation.

At this point, after initial actions had taken place, the Army pointed out that asking them to act against Indian citizens was illegal and unconstitutional. It need not bother us that in another former Dominion, the Army was merrily doing whatever it pleased - it still does - with no regard for the law or the rapidly shifting constitution.

There was an historical precedent for such legislation.

The British Empire first brought in the Armed Forces Special Powers Ordinance in 1942, to combat the Quit India movement. All subsequent statutes in India were under the Disturbed Areas Acts, relating to specific states, that had no general application.

Under these acts, the notified area would have to maintain law and order and public safety for a period of ninety days for the notification of Disturbed Area to be removed.

In effect, the Interim Government has conferred the status of a Disturbed Area to the whole of Bangladesh, without an explicit notification, and has empowered the Army to handle disturbances, WITHOUT reference to either the police or to the existing civil magistracy. To be accurate, not the Army, but commissioned officers. The news appears to set a finite deadline of 60 days for these powers to remain in force and to be exercised.

This is clearly an ordinance, since no statute-making body exists, and is, presumably, within the powers of the Interim Government.

  • The Interim Government is sending out a message -
  • Further disturbances will not be tolerated;
  • In the absence of the police and the magistracy, disturbances will not be permitted;
  • For 60 days, until there is some degree of normalisation, commissioned officers of the Army (what happened to the Air Force and the Navy?) will be responsible for the tasks carried out by the magistracy and the police force in peaceful times;
Let us wait and see.
 
It might help to look at parallel processes, in neighbouring countries.

The earlier British system was to appoint very senior police officers, of the rank of Commissioner of Police at least (there was only one in united Bengal, the Commissioner of Police, Calcutta) Justices of the Peace, ie, magistrates. In other words, that officer and that officer only had the authority and power of a magistrate, including ordering a forceful dispersal (lathi charge), or tear gas shell firing, or, in the last resort, live ammunition firing on an unlawful assembly,

That was the prevalent rule right through, until the late 50s.

Until then, law and order had never ever broken down to the extent that the civil power was absent; there was always a magistrate to authorise action, police action, normally, or military action in the aid of the civil power. The first breakdown came in Nagaland, and then, later, in Mizoram. The civil power was attacked and destroyed, and both magistrates and policemen withdrew from the troubled areas, leaving the Army alone to handle the situation.

At this point, after initial actions had taken place, the Army pointed out that asking them to act against Indian citizens was illegal and unconstitutional. It need not bother us that in another former Dominion, the Army was merrily doing whatever it pleased - it still does - with no regard for the law or the rapidly shifting constitution.

There was an historical precedent for such legislation.

The British Empire first brought in the Armed Forces Special Powers Ordinance in 1942, to combat the Quit India movement. All subsequent statutes in India were under the Disturbed Areas Acts, relating to specific states, that had no general application.

Under these acts, the notified area would have to maintain law and order and public safety for a period of ninety days for the notification of Disturbed Area to be removed.

In effect, the Interim Government has conferred the status of a Disturbed Area to the whole of Bangladesh, without an explicit notification, and has empowered the Army to handle disturbances, WITHOUT reference to either the police or to the existing civil magistracy. To be accurate, not the Army, but commissioned officers. The news appears to set a finite deadline of 60 days for these powers to remain in force and to be exercised.

This is clearly an ordinance, since no statute-making body exists, and is, presumably, within the powers of the Interim Government.

  • The Interim Government is sending out a message -
  • Further disturbances will not be tolerated;
  • In the absence of the police and the magistracy, disturbances will not be permitted;
  • For 60 days, until there is some degree of normalisation, commissioned officers of the Army (what happened to the Air Force and the Navy?) will be responsible for the tasks carried out by the magistracy and the police force in peaceful times;
Let us wait and see.

Great post.
 
Now even our street dogs will keep their tail straight...

People like you are so unaware it is laughable 😂

Army refused to intervene to help Hasina. But is happy to intervene to help Care Taker government 😂

Which is why army is king maker.

As soon as they withdraw support - any government collapses in days because police doesn’t want to fight an armed battle with the army for supremacy.

Army intervention is good if it helps my party but bad if it helps other party 😂

The hypocrisy is mind boggling!

@UKBengali
 
It might help to look at parallel processes, in neighbouring countries.

The earlier British system was to appoint very senior police officers, of the rank of Commissioner of Police at least (there was only one in united Bengal, the Commissioner of Police, Calcutta) Justices of the Peace, ie, magistrates. In other words, that officer and that officer only had the authority and power of a magistrate, including ordering a forceful dispersal (lathi charge), or tear gas shell firing, or, in the last resort, live ammunition firing on an unlawful assembly,

That was the prevalent rule right through, until the late 50s.

Until then, law and order had never ever broken down to the extent that the civil power was absent; there was always a magistrate to authorise action, police action, normally, or military action in the aid of the civil power. The first breakdown came in Nagaland, and then, later, in Mizoram. The civil power was attacked and destroyed, and both magistrates and policemen withdrew from the troubled areas, leaving the Army alone to handle the situation.

At this point, after initial actions had taken place, the Army pointed out that asking them to act against Indian citizens was illegal and unconstitutional. It need not bother us that in another former Dominion, the Army was merrily doing whatever it pleased - it still does - with no regard for the law or the rapidly shifting constitution.

There was an historical precedent for such legislation.

The British Empire first brought in the Armed Forces Special Powers Ordinance in 1942, to combat the Quit India movement. All subsequent statutes in India were under the Disturbed Areas Acts, relating to specific states, that had no general application.

Under these acts, the notified area would have to maintain law and order and public safety for a period of ninety days for the notification of Disturbed Area to be removed.

In effect, the Interim Government has conferred the status of a Disturbed Area to the whole of Bangladesh, without an explicit notification, and has empowered the Army to handle disturbances, WITHOUT reference to either the police or to the existing civil magistracy. To be accurate, not the Army, but commissioned officers. The news appears to set a finite deadline of 60 days for these powers to remain in force and to be exercised.

This is clearly an ordinance, since no statute-making body exists, and is, presumably, within the powers of the Interim Government.

  • The Interim Government is sending out a message -
  • Further disturbances will not be tolerated;
  • In the absence of the police and the magistracy, disturbances will not be permitted;
  • For 60 days, until there is some degree of normalisation, commissioned officers of the Army (what happened to the Air Force and the Navy?) will be responsible for the tasks carried out by the magistracy and the police force in peaceful times;
Let us wait and see.

Thank you Dada for breaking it down for us with historical background!

My understanding is that the CG was forced to do this because close to a thousand BAL loyalist police officers have yet to rejoin duty. Some have been arrested while trying to flee to India. Under the circumstances where criminals and mob justice is running rampant, the CG had to implement this. May be in the meantime they can reorganize and strengthen the police force.
 
Thank you Dada for breaking it down for us with historical background!

My understanding is that the CG was forced to do this because close to a thousand BAL loyalist police officers have yet to rejoin duty. Some have been arrested while trying to flee to India. Under the circumstances where criminals and mob justice is running rampant, the CG had to implement this. May be in the meantime they can reorganize and strengthen the police force.
I think it is a good move, but the leadership has to be very careful not to set wrong precedents. You know what I mean.
 

Users who are viewing this thread

Back
Top