In South Asia, America has stopped asking India for permission

Strategic objectives behind US Ambassador Christensen’s repeated Rajshahi visits

US diplomatic outreach supports strategic waterway ambitions while countering expanding Chinese influence in Bangladesh

by Enayet Kabir

July 13, 2026

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It’s evening of July 5, 2026. For several hours, Chili’s Chinese Restaurant in Rajshahi stopped admitting regular customers.

The embargo on serving diners was because US Ambassador to Bangladesh ‘Lord’ Brent Christensen, accompanied by the American Embassy’s Marine Attaché and several colleagues, was about to enter the restaurant.

This was Christensen’s second visit to Rajshahi within a month. During his first trip, he travelled openly and with considerable publicity.

This time, however, the visit was conducted quietly. What was the purpose of the “Lord’s” latest trip?

According to inquiries, Christensen met and spoke with several political figures during his two visits.

However, on 5 July, he attended a dinner hosted by Chili’s owner Toufikur Rahman Lovlu.

Among those present were a leading figure in the anti-Farakka movement, who is also regarded as a river expert, a local leader of the State Reform Movement, and several young members of the National Citizens’ Party (NCP).

Construction of the Rajshahi WASA Surface Water Treatment Plant in Godagari, Rajshahi, is nearing completion. The project is being built by a Chinese contractor with Chinese financing.

In addition, in 2022, another Chinese contractor conducted a feasibility study for the proposed River City project on the Padma River char (river island).

However, owing to geopolitical complications, that project did not move forward.

From that point onward, the US embassy and an American security agency began pursuing counter-projects aimed at offsetting Chinese influence.

It alleges that in 2022, the United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and the US Department of State jointly developed a project called Cross-Border Infrastructure and Connectivity (CBIC).

At the time, discussions were underway regarding the Chinese-supported water treatment plant on the Padma River in Godagari.

According to the article, under the CBIC initiative, USAID proposed excavating a canal linking the Bhagirathi and Padma rivers while bypassing the Farakka Barrage, thereby creating a new inland waterway.

US officials have argued with their Indian counterparts that such a project would shorten the country’s inland waterway route to its northeastern states by approximately 400 to 500 kilometres.

Following the closure of USAID, it claims, responsibility for this strategically important project was transferred directly to the Department of State.

Washington now seeks to establish a strategic foothold in the region through this initiative, and this is presented as one of the principal reasons behind the ambassador’s unprecedented back-to-back visits to Rajshahi.

By asserting that the frequent visits by the US ambassador to Rajshahi are intended to build local public support for what it describes as the State Department’s China-containment strategic project.

 
Porous Borders, Shadow Wars and Grey-Zone Infiltration: The Geopolitical Rift in US-India Intelligence Relations

The Pannun case in the US, the preceding Nijjar row in Canada, the unyielding diplomatic stances of their respective governments, and the coordinated, adversarial statements issued by the Five Eyes alliance, collectively triggered a quiet but intense counter-intelligence pivot by New Delhi.

By Brig Sanjay Agarwal (Retd.) Jul 14, 2026

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On 11 July 2026, personnel from the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) and local police apprehended US national Jordan Brown, near Border Pillar 516 at the Sonauli crossing in Maharajganj, Uttar Pradesh. He was on an unauthorized foot trail. When signalled to halt, Brown attempted to break free and flee into Nepal, but was cornered by local villagers and border patrols. Two mobile phones and ₹31,460 in cash were recovered—but zero identification documents, passports, or valid visas.

Under multi-agency interrogation, Brown claimed to be a retired US Navy and Special Forces operative (Green Beret). He offered inconsistent accounts of his travel history: first claiming he lost his passport in Thailand (or Vietnam), then asserting he entered India illegally via a maritime route from Sri Lanka in November 2025 before hiding out in Goa. He is currently jailed under Sections 21 and 23 of the Foreigners Act.

When analysed along with its historical antecedents and contextual correlations, the evaluation of this incident changes from isolated immigration fraud to institutionalised grey-zone infiltration.

A Systemic Pattern of Infiltration

Brown’s arrest is the latest in a concentrated operational pattern along India’s critical security corridors. On 30 May 2026, US national Phelan Travis Anthony was arrested at the Chhatri Bridge in Maharajganj while attempting to slip into Nepal after an extensive visa overstay. Earlier, on 24 April 2026, US national Binod Baraily was intercepted by the SSB at Pani Tanki in the Siliguri corridor, carrying USD 21,500 in undeclared foreign currency.

On 13 March 2026, the National Investigation Agency (NIA) synchronously arrested US national Matthew Aaron VanDyke at Kolkata Airport, and six Ukrainians at Delhi and Lucknow airports, under the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act (UAPA), for operating an illegal, cross-border weapons pipeline. Significantly, a long time gap was allowed between their activities and detention. The cell was not caught at the physical border but was intercepted at domestic transit hubs as they attempted standard exit flights. This was after they had successfully crossed back from Myanmar—where they allegedly trained the Kuki-Chin Army in drone warfare and operations—and had traversed through multiple Indian states. Indian agencies had kept a track. In its public stance, the US Embassy sidestepped the NIA’s specific charges.

Historical Baselines of Deep-State Distrust

For New Delhi, uncoordinated Western military veterans navigating international borders evokes deep historical friction. The distrust dates back to the 1995 Purulia Arms Drop Case, when an Antonov An-26 aircraft illegally entered Indian airspace and dropped four tonnes of military-grade weapons (including hundreds of AK-47 rifles and rocket launchers) over West Bengal. The primary operative, Kim Davy (Niels Christian Nielsen), was widely suspected of having deep-state backing from Western intelligence channels to orchestrate regional destabilization.

The pattern of public bilateral diplomacy vs. shadow intelligence reveals that while public channels focus on cooperation through various platforms and agreements, and lately also focus on trade and tariffs, the shadow realm is actively engaged in counter-espionage on sensitive borders, hard vetting of ex-US military assets, and the deliberate hardening of the Nepal corridor. The legacy of Purulia permanently altered India's security architecture, embedding an institutional prerequisite that any unauthorized foreign tactical footprint on sovereign soil must be treated as an existential national security threat.

The Dhaka Mystery and India-Russia Intelligence Firewall

Beyond the tariff frost, the strategic friction between Washington and New Delhi peaked with the geopolitical crisis of 31 August 2025, when Inspector General Terrence Arvelle Jackson of US Special Forces Command was found dead in Room 808 of The Westin Dhaka hotel in Bangladesh. Jackson had spent months traveling through sensitive Bangladeshi military installations under the cover of a civilian business trip.

Jackson's death directly coincided with Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi attending the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) Summit in Tianjin, China. The sinister correlation of the timeline of the two concurrent events raises a stark geopolitical implication. Some media platforms and geo-analysts alleged that a joint India-Russia intelligence sharing network had successfully intercepted and foiled a sophisticated assassination plot targeting Modi, resulting in the rapid neutralization of the asset.

The diplomatic fallout was heavily managed; the US Embassy immediately intervened to accept Jackson's body from local authorities, strongly bypassing standard operational protocols, avoiding a post-mortem. The rushed repatriation without forensic transparency deepened regional intelligence suspicions.

The happenings indicate that New Delhi maintains deep strategic contingencies separate from its Western alignments.

Evolving Counter-Intelligence Landscape

The context of this shadow play is shaped by the Gurpatwant Singh Pannun Case, which underwent a monumental legal shift in February 2026, when Indian national Nikhil Gupta pleaded guilty in a New York federal court to murder-for-hire charges. This plea dramatically altered the bilateral equation, allowing the US Department of Justice to quietly de-escalate the public, state-level "murder-for-hire" allegations against top Indian officials by shifting the legal focus entirely onto a concluded criminal proceeding.

The Pannun case in the US, the preceding Nijjar row in Canada, the unyielding diplomatic stances of their respective governments, and the coordinated, adversarial statements issued by the Five Eyes alliance, collectively triggered a quiet but intense counter-intelligence pivot by New Delhi.

The 1,750 km India-Nepal border, historically treated as an open frontier under the 1950 Treaty of Peace and Friendship, is being rapidly hardened into an active intelligence firewall. The repeated detention of unmonitored Western nationals with elite tactical training near these boundaries changes the evaluation, from isolated immigration fraud to institutionalised grey-zone infiltration.

The strategic convergence between Washington and New Delhi is bounded by a hard geopolitical reality: public defense partnerships do not equal shadow-war immunity. As global intelligence networks realign, India's security apparatus has made it clear that no amount of diplomatic goodwill can buy a free pass for uncoordinated foreign assets operating in its strategic periphery.

 
Pakistan need to annex Bangladesh again.

A population of 420 million and GDP of 1 trillion US dollar combined.

Only then you can kill Poopjeetstan.

Come on - this statement is silly. What Pakistan wants is an economically strong, militarily strong, socially strong Bangladesh and independent Bangladesh that has good relations with Pakistan.

The clock does not need turning back.
 
Pakistan need to annex Bangladesh again.

A population of 420 million and GDP of 1 trillion US dollar combined.

Only then you can kill Poopjeetstan.
no! Why add another racial and cultural dynamic to Pakistan when we already are diverse and Pakistan shares way more in common with one another than the Bangladeshis.

Such a crazy suggestion.
 
Bangladesh was always East-Pakistan and should be East-Pakistan again.

Like Czech Republic and Slowakia.
 

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