Israel’s Genocide in Gaza | 2023- till present

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Failing Gaza: Pro-Israel bias uncovered behind the lens of Western media​

Journalists at CNN and the BBC expose the inner workings of their newsrooms, a year into Israel’s war on Gaza.

FILE PHOTO: The CNN logo stands outside the venue of the second Democratic 2020 U.S. presidential candidates debate, in the Fox Theater in Detroit, Michigan, U.S., July 30, 2019. REUTERS/Brian Snyder/File Photo

By Al Jazeera Staff
Published On 5 Oct 20245 Oct 2024

Names marked with an asterisk* have been changed to protect identities.

Ten journalists who have covered the war on Gaza for two of the world’s leading news networks, CNN and the BBC, have revealed the inner workings of those outlets’ newsrooms from October 7 onward, alleging pro-Israel bias in coverage, systematic double standards and frequent violations of journalistic principles.

Keep reading​

list of 4 itemslist 1 of 4

Why is Israel intensifying its crackdown on media coverage?

list 2 of 4

Western coverage of Gaza: A textbook case of coloniser’s journalism

list 3 of 4

Gaza and the death of Western journalism

list 4 of 4

As Israel pounds Gaza, BBC journalists accuse broadcaster of bias

end of list
In several cases, they accused senior newsroom figures of failing to hold Israeli officials to account and of interfering in reporting to downplay Israeli atrocities. In one instance at CNN, false Israeli propaganda was put on air despite advance warnings from staff members.

The journalists spoke to Al Jazeera’s The Listening Post, a weekly programme dissecting the world’s media, for its documentary Failing Gaza: Behind the Lens of Western Media.

Adam*, a journalist at CNN, said before October 7, he “hand on heart” trusted the network’s journalistic practices.

“But after October 7, the ease with which I saw news lines that supported the Israeli narrative come out really shook me,” he said in the film. “There were times where CNN was happy to push hard. But on balance, it’s very clear where we lie, regrettably. And it’s not entirely with the truth.”

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‘An embarrassing moment’ at CNN​

In November, CNN International Diplomatic Editor Nic Robertson embedded with the Israeli army to visit Gaza’s bombed-out al-Rantisi Children’s Hospital.

Once inside, military spokesperson Daniel Hagari claimed to have found proof Hamas was using the hospital to hide Israeli captives.

Hagari showed Robertson a document on the wall written in Arabic, which he said was a roster of Hamas members watching over the captives.

“This is a guarding list. Every terrorist has his own shift,” Hagari told Robertson.

Adam recalled the broadcast as “an embarrassing moment” for CNN.

“It wasn’t a Hamas roster at all,” he said. “It was a calendar, and written in Arabic were the days of the week. But the report that came out from Nic Robertson just swallowed up Israel’s claim.”

To make matters worse, the Israeli claim had already been debunked by Arabic speakers on social media before the CNN footage aired, and, according to multiple CNN journalists and an internal WhatsApp chat seen by Al Jazeera, a Palestinian producer alerted her colleagues, including Robertson, but was ignored. After the report aired on television, they said, another producer tried to get it corrected before it was posted online.

“One colleague saw the report and flagged to Nic, [saying,] ‘Hold on, people are saying that this is not accurate,'” Adam said. “And apparently, Nic said, ‘Are you meaning to say that Hagari is lying to us?’

“There was a chance for this to get stopped. But Nic was adamant, and it went out. He’s a very experienced correspondent. If you are trusting the Israeli government over your own colleagues, then you need to have your wrist slapped at the very least because your reporting has given cover to the Israeli operation.”

No proof ever emerged of captives being held at al-Rantisi hospital.

Adam also said there was a period of time when CNN journalists “couldn’t call air strikes in Gaza air strikes unless we had confirmation from the Israelis”.

“We would not be doing this in any other place. We would not tolerate the need to ask, say, the Russians whether they bombed a hospital in Kyiv.”

Recently, when health officials in Gaza announced that Israeli attacks had killed more than 40,000 people, CNN Managing Editor Mike McCarthy ordered his team to “contextualise and hold Hamas accountable”, Adam said.

“That was reflected in the framing from the shows,” he added.

Informing viewers of the grim milestone in August, CNN presenter Becky Anderson said in a news show, “The Gaza health ministry says more than 40,000 Palestinians have been killed since the October 7 Hamas massacre in Israel that triggered the war,” and cautioned that CNN could not verify the toll. Leading experts have said the figure is likely an undercount.

‘No balance’ at the BBC​

Sara*, a former BBC journalist, accused the British broadcaster of a double standard in interviewing guests.

She told Al Jazeera that she no longer saw her future at the BBC in part because of a “sort of unwillingness among the executive” to address concerns around editorial bias.

In the days after October 7, the BBC set up an internal group chat in which producers could screen potential interviewees based on their online footprint.

Al Jazeera has obtained messages from that chat.

“It was overwhelmingly guests on the Palestinian side of things who were being looked into,” she said. “Palestinians [were] being flagged up for using the word Zionist, which isn’t something to flag necessarily.”

She said that “now and again” Israeli guests were vetted.

“But there was no balance in what was going on. Israeli spokespeople who we did have on were given a lot of free rein to say whatever they wanted with very little pushback,” she said.

For example, Israeli politician Idan Roll on October 17 told BBC presenter Maryam Moshiri that “babies were set on fire” and “babies were shot in the head” during the Hamas incursion into southern Israel, claims that Israel has not proved and Hamas rejects.

Moshiri did not challenge or probe his claim.

Over the past year, experts and veteran journalists have increasingly accused top Western media outlets of maintaining a pro-Israel bias while dehumanising Palestinians and minimising their suffering.

A small number of journalists at The New York Times and the BBC have resigned publicly, citing their consciences. Others have tried to change things from the inside with campaigns and internal meetings.

“This is a moment in history that we don’t often see where we actually see genocide being perpetrated as it’s happening,” Craig Mokhiber, a United Nations human rights official who resigned last year over the organisation’s response to Israel’s war in Gaza, told Al Jazeera.

“In a situation where Western governments like the United States, the UK and others have been complicit, you’ve got Western media that have actually become a part of the mechanism of genocide. That’s what’s different. That’s what’s frightening.”

The BBC and CNN denied allegations of bias.
Source: Al Jazeera
Mainstream media is becoming useless, only the baby boomers follow them in the majority. The younger generations follow social media, which you could say is better or worse.

These media outlets need to be made irrelevant. I canceled my BBC license to hell with paying these criminals a penny.
 
Israeli soldier Reading Jewish Scriptures to Captured Palestinians

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Israeli soldier Reading Jewish Scriptures to Captured Palestinians

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Bro

Have you seen the condition of the prisoners? This sums up the kinds of people they are. They genuinely believe they are a superior race.
Most Jews in the area i live are distraught in these Zionists behavior - they have hijacked Israel today.......
 
Bro

Have you seen the condition of the prisoners? This sums up the kinds of people they are. They genuinely believe they are a superior race.
Most Jews in the area i live are distraught in these Zionists behavior - they have hijacked Israel today.......

It is very unfortunate
People of Gaza are really suffering very badly

But there is No solution for this conflict

Both cannot Co exist

The hatred is just too deep

OIC has to take the lead for a Permanent peace deal before more People are killed in Gaza and Lebanon
 
It is very unfortunate
People of Gaza are really suffering very badly

But there is No solution for this conflict

Both cannot Co exist

The hatred is just too deep

OIC has to take the lead for a Permanent peace deal before more People are killed in Gaza and Lebanon
2 state solution. The hatred now is deep.
Think - someone comes into your house - evicts you - giving the reason their forefathers 2000 years ago lived their. Been going on for 75 years.
Then when you have an occupier like this - a resistance force exists and then you know the rest.
Its not unfortunate - its a tragedy - ultimately children being slaughtered and starving
 
One year. The insanity and the tragedy and the suffering continues. Sad.
 
Gracing as a top story on NY Times right now, apparently written by an Israeli from Israel. And some still think Israel is winning or will win. Bosh!
I have bolded some parts. Note: There are multiple references to Israelis in large numbers reconsidering living in Israel--they are considering leaving Israel, which is like a nuke falling on Israel!


At one of the recent mass demonstrations in Tel Aviv calling for a hostage deal and for early elections to replace the Israeli government, one protester held up a sign reading: “Who are we without them?” referring to the hostages. Another placard read: “Give me one reason to raise kids here.”

The messages encapsulate questions many Israelis are asking themselves, a year into the longest war in the country’s history: What is the value of a Jewish homeland if it doesn’t prioritize — or it gives up on — saving the lives of its civilians, kidnapped from their homes? Will I ever feel safe again? And what kind of future do I have here if the only vision our leaders are offering is endless war?

A year since the murderous Oct. 7 Hamas attack set off the war in Gaza, Israel is sinking deeper into an existential crisis. It is a shrunken country, with tens of thousands of Israelis displaced from northern towns and kibbutzim, as well as southern border villages, as it fights a multifront war that is only intensifying and expanding. And, in addition to having to cope throughout the year with loss, shock, rocket fire and overwhelming fear for their safety from Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis and Iran itself, that anxiety is compounded by turmoil from within.

Thousands of Israelis with the means to do so have chosen to leave Israel since Oct. 7; others are considering or planning emigrating. Many thousands more have also taken to the streets week after week, engaging in acts of civil disobedience, which began before the Oct. 7 attacks with protests against the Netanyahu government’s proposed judicial overhaul and, after a brief pause, resumed with a new focus on the hostage crisis and demand for early elections. In September, images of the former Israeli army chief of staff Dan Halutz being forcibly removed by the police from the street at a sit-in in front of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s private residence, and of relatives of hostages being roughed up by law enforcement officers, were a further manifestation of the internal crisis.
...


And yet, somehow, this battle is completely detached from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and from Palestinians themselves, as if they do not breathe the same air we breathe, in Israel, the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza. The outrage in the streets is largely confined to the Israeli government’s failure to save the Israeli hostages. There is almost no outrage over the indiscriminate destruction of Gaza and the killing of over 40,000 people, many of them civilians, over the past year. Few are protesting Israel’s excessive use of force. It simply does not register that even if Israelis are in an existential crisis, Palestinians are in a battle for their very existence. Israeli disregard for Palestinian suffering, whether conscious or not, has been one of the most palpable and disturbing features of life in Israel since Oct. 7. Of course it existed well before then, but it is all the more stark and consequential now.

It is precisely this apathy that has enabled the far right — which is not at all apathetic in its approach toward the Palestinians — to dominate Israeli politics, unchallenged. The unifying principle in Israel today, as articulated by the right-wing parties in power, is Jewish control and domination, living by the sword. As Mr. Netanyahu said (quoting the Book of Samuel) at a recent cabinet meeting, “There are those who ask, ‘Shall the sword devour forever?’” His answer, he said, was, “In the Middle East, without the sword, there is no ‘forever.’” (Mr. Netanyahu failed to include the second line of that biblical quote: “Don’t you realize this will end in bitterness.”) According to his reading, the only way to defend Jews is through force. That means crushing the enemy, even if it means sacrificing Israeli lives — as well as the country’s international reputation, sense of national safety and moral compass — in the process.

As Bezalel Smotrich, the finance minister and de facto governor of the West Bank, recently stated, “It is my life mission to build the Land of Israel and prevent a Palestinian state.” This isn’t just rhetoric. Over the past year, Israel has expropriated occupied land and built settlements at a record pace and effectively reoccupied Gaza, and it is now embroiled once again in a conflict in Lebanon. An Israel run by people like Mr. Smotrich, his fellow hard-line cabinet minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Mr. Netanyahu himself, is one that has moved from a policy of separation from the Palestinians, once purportedly meant to lead to the creation of a Palestinian state under the Oslo process, to a policy of destruction, which seeks to overpower, kill or expel Palestinians from the lands they were promised, and the lands upon which they currently live.

The problem for Israelis who are indifferent to the lives of Palestinians is that simultaneously, within this paradigm, some Israelis are starting to recognize and experience what is essentially an internal, irreconcilable contradiction. If this is a country that champions Jewish rights and control, how can it also undermine and cheapen Jewish life by effectively abandoning the hostages and condemning the country to an open-ended war? What does it then mean to live in a country whose leaders have made the well-being of its citizens secondary to their leaders’ political survival, exertion and consolidation of political power and excessive military force? How are Israelis to interpret the selective enforcement of the law — for example, by the police largely declining to arrest Israeli settlers who assault Palestinians, but who regularly arrest unarmed, law-abiding citizens shouting in the streets for a hostage deal and the return of their friends and neighbors?

In some ways, of course, this is not new. I have often wondered how Israelis can expect to continue to ignore the systematic violence wielded against Palestinians, through settlement and military rule, and now the mass-scale death and destruction of Palestinians in Gaza, and think it will not affect the state’s character, let alone the way it treats its citizens. This cognitive dissonance, held by many Israelis for decades, has been working overtime over the last year. It has been made possible, in part, by the cultivation and slick branding of Israel’s security apparatus, despite the blanket devastation wrought on Gaza, as sophisticated, precise, high tech and righteous in its mission to defend the Jewish people — as exemplified by targeted assassinations, surveillance technology and the recent pager attacks in Lebanon, images of destroyed city blocks not withstanding.

It has also been made possible by a political opposition that offers no vision of its own for lasting peace. Still, that opposition — which includes many former army generals — together with much of the security establishment, has gotten firmly behind calls for a hostage deal and a ceasefire in Gaza. These groups at least offer an alternative to the current path, which would see a pause in fighting to allow Israelis to heal the open wound of the hostages and give families whose relatives are serving in reserves a break. In that sense they at minimum see the need to prioritize the basic well-being of Israelis and to try to keep Israel in the good graces of the Western world. But their vision nevertheless lacks a sense of how Israelis can have long-term stability outside of coercive military force. This is most evident in the military and civilian consensus over the current escalation in Lebanon and the fact that no Jewish party in Israel today, including the Democratic Party (an amalgamation of the historically left-wing Labor and Meretz), advocates an end to the occupation or a two-state solution.

For many Israelis, the realization that the current government is not going to save the hostages is a break point. Suddenly, many of my compatriots are faced with the understanding that being Jewish in Israel doesn’t mean you will get saved or treated fairly, even in war. That your life, and the life of your sons and daughters, is expendable. This has radicalized and politicized large numbers of Israelis who are protesting for the first time in their lives and questioning whether they can continue living here.

The lawlessness and state violence directed at Palestinians for so long has started to seep into Jewish Israeli society. Mr. Netanyahu’s refusal to assume responsibility for the security failures of Oct. 7, his grip on power despite corruption trials, his emboldening of some of the most radical and messianic elements in Israel, are a testament to that. The nearly carte blanche support Israel has received from the Biden administration throughout much of this war has further empowered the most hard-line elements of the nation’s politics. And yet, many Israelis are still not making the connection between their inability to get the government to prioritize Israeli life and how expendable that government treats Palestinian life.

Without this realization, it is hard to see how Israelis can pave a different path forward that does not rely on the same dehumanization and lawlessness. This, for me, has made what is already a dire, desperate reality seemingly irredeemable. For Israelis to start carving a way out of this mess, they will have to feel outraged not only by what is being done to them, but also what is being done to others in their name, and demand that it stop. Without that, I’m not sure that I, like other Israelis with the privilege to consider it, see a future here.
 
Jordan responds firmly: We will not allow "Israel" to use our airspace against Iran! Official source: "We clearly informed Tel Aviv, violating our airspace is a red line!"

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About the only right decision this "Lion of Zion" has made since this whole horrible episode started.

This leaves Saudia Arabia as one route(they have said they will stay neutral but they have not formally denied the use of their airspace ) and the other route is an aggressive route over Syria and Iraq.
 
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Gracing as a top story on NY Times right now, apparently written by an Israeli from Israel. And some still think Israel is winning or will win. Bosh!
I have bolded some parts. Note: There are multiple references to Israelis in large numbers reconsidering living in Israel--they are considering leaving Israel, which is like a nuke falling on Israel!


At one of the recent mass demonstrations in Tel Aviv calling for a hostage deal and for early elections to replace the Israeli government, one protester held up a sign reading: “Who are we without them?” referring to the hostages. Another placard read: “Give me one reason to raise kids here.”

The messages encapsulate questions many Israelis are asking themselves, a year into the longest war in the country’s history: What is the value of a Jewish homeland if it doesn’t prioritize — or it gives up on — saving the lives of its civilians, kidnapped from their homes? Will I ever feel safe again? And what kind of future do I have here if the only vision our leaders are offering is endless war?

A year since the murderous Oct. 7 Hamas attack set off the war in Gaza, Israel is sinking deeper into an existential crisis. It is a shrunken country, with tens of thousands of Israelis displaced from northern towns and kibbutzim, as well as southern border villages, as it fights a multifront war that is only intensifying and expanding. And, in addition to having to cope throughout the year with loss, shock, rocket fire and overwhelming fear for their safety from Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis and Iran itself, that anxiety is compounded by turmoil from within.

Thousands of Israelis with the means to do so have chosen to leave Israel since Oct. 7; others are considering or planning emigrating. Many thousands more have also taken to the streets week after week, engaging in acts of civil disobedience, which began before the Oct. 7 attacks with protests against the Netanyahu government’s proposed judicial overhaul and, after a brief pause, resumed with a new focus on the hostage crisis and demand for early elections. In September, images of the former Israeli army chief of staff Dan Halutz being forcibly removed by the police from the street at a sit-in in front of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s private residence, and of relatives of hostages being roughed up by law enforcement officers, were a further manifestation of the internal crisis.
...


And yet, somehow, this battle is completely detached from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and from Palestinians themselves, as if they do not breathe the same air we breathe, in Israel, the West Bank, Jerusalem and Gaza. The outrage in the streets is largely confined to the Israeli government’s failure to save the Israeli hostages. There is almost no outrage over the indiscriminate destruction of Gaza and the killing of over 40,000 people, many of them civilians, over the past year. Few are protesting Israel’s excessive use of force. It simply does not register that even if Israelis are in an existential crisis, Palestinians are in a battle for their very existence. Israeli disregard for Palestinian suffering, whether conscious or not, has been one of the most palpable and disturbing features of life in Israel since Oct. 7. Of course it existed well before then, but it is all the more stark and consequential now.

It is precisely this apathy that has enabled the far right — which is not at all apathetic in its approach toward the Palestinians — to dominate Israeli politics, unchallenged. The unifying principle in Israel today, as articulated by the right-wing parties in power, is Jewish control and domination, living by the sword. As Mr. Netanyahu said (quoting the Book of Samuel) at a recent cabinet meeting, “There are those who ask, ‘Shall the sword devour forever?’” His answer, he said, was, “In the Middle East, without the sword, there is no ‘forever.’” (Mr. Netanyahu failed to include the second line of that biblical quote: “Don’t you realize this will end in bitterness.”) According to his reading, the only way to defend Jews is through force. That means crushing the enemy, even if it means sacrificing Israeli lives — as well as the country’s international reputation, sense of national safety and moral compass — in the process.

As Bezalel Smotrich, the finance minister and de facto governor of the West Bank, recently stated, “It is my life mission to build the Land of Israel and prevent a Palestinian state.” This isn’t just rhetoric. Over the past year, Israel has expropriated occupied land and built settlements at a record pace and effectively reoccupied Gaza, and it is now embroiled once again in a conflict in Lebanon. An Israel run by people like Mr. Smotrich, his fellow hard-line cabinet minister Itamar Ben-Gvir and Mr. Netanyahu himself, is one that has moved from a policy of separation from the Palestinians, once purportedly meant to lead to the creation of a Palestinian state under the Oslo process, to a policy of destruction, which seeks to overpower, kill or expel Palestinians from the lands they were promised, and the lands upon which they currently live.

The problem for Israelis who are indifferent to the lives of Palestinians is that simultaneously, within this paradigm, some Israelis are starting to recognize and experience what is essentially an internal, irreconcilable contradiction. If this is a country that champions Jewish rights and control, how can it also undermine and cheapen Jewish life by effectively abandoning the hostages and condemning the country to an open-ended war? What does it then mean to live in a country whose leaders have made the well-being of its citizens secondary to their leaders’ political survival, exertion and consolidation of political power and excessive military force? How are Israelis to interpret the selective enforcement of the law — for example, by the police largely declining to arrest Israeli settlers who assault Palestinians, but who regularly arrest unarmed, law-abiding citizens shouting in the streets for a hostage deal and the return of their friends and neighbors?

In some ways, of course, this is not new. I have often wondered how Israelis can expect to continue to ignore the systematic violence wielded against Palestinians, through settlement and military rule, and now the mass-scale death and destruction of Palestinians in Gaza, and think it will not affect the state’s character, let alone the way it treats its citizens. This cognitive dissonance, held by many Israelis for decades, has been working overtime over the last year. It has been made possible, in part, by the cultivation and slick branding of Israel’s security apparatus, despite the blanket devastation wrought on Gaza, as sophisticated, precise, high tech and righteous in its mission to defend the Jewish people — as exemplified by targeted assassinations, surveillance technology and the recent pager attacks in Lebanon, images of destroyed city blocks not withstanding.

It has also been made possible by a political opposition that offers no vision of its own for lasting peace. Still, that opposition — which includes many former army generals — together with much of the security establishment, has gotten firmly behind calls for a hostage deal and a ceasefire in Gaza. These groups at least offer an alternative to the current path, which would see a pause in fighting to allow Israelis to heal the open wound of the hostages and give families whose relatives are serving in reserves a break. In that sense they at minimum see the need to prioritize the basic well-being of Israelis and to try to keep Israel in the good graces of the Western world. But their vision nevertheless lacks a sense of how Israelis can have long-term stability outside of coercive military force. This is most evident in the military and civilian consensus over the current escalation in Lebanon and the fact that no Jewish party in Israel today, including the Democratic Party (an amalgamation of the historically left-wing Labor and Meretz), advocates an end to the occupation or a two-state solution.

For many Israelis, the realization that the current government is not going to save the hostages is a break point. Suddenly, many of my compatriots are faced with the understanding that being Jewish in Israel doesn’t mean you will get saved or treated fairly, even in war. That your life, and the life of your sons and daughters, is expendable. This has radicalized and politicized large numbers of Israelis who are protesting for the first time in their lives and questioning whether they can continue living here.

The lawlessness and state violence directed at Palestinians for so long has started to seep into Jewish Israeli society. Mr. Netanyahu’s refusal to assume responsibility for the security failures of Oct. 7, his grip on power despite corruption trials, his emboldening of some of the most radical and messianic elements in Israel, are a testament to that. The nearly carte blanche support Israel has received from the Biden administration throughout much of this war has further empowered the most hard-line elements of the nation’s politics. And yet, many Israelis are still not making the connection between their inability to get the government to prioritize Israeli life and how expendable that government treats Palestinian life.

Without this realization, it is hard to see how Israelis can pave a different path forward that does not rely on the same dehumanization and lawlessness. This, for me, has made what is already a dire, desperate reality seemingly irredeemable. For Israelis to start carving a way out of this mess, they will have to feel outraged not only by what is being done to them, but also what is being done to others in their name, and demand that it stop. Without that, I’m not sure that I, like other Israelis with the privilege to consider it, see a future here.
Yesterday I was for a walk in the beach in my city (Spain) and realized that in 10 minutes I crossed two families (men about 35 or 40) with childrens about 4 or 5 years old. All them speaking hebrew. When they noticed I was aware of their language one of them changed rapidly to a basic spanish. I am pretty sure those are refugees from the war. They came here just for avoid the Military service, the bombardments (if they cam from Haifa or north) or the oppressive atmosphere.

I don't like them even if they come as a refugees. But being realistic. The less military aged men there, the less casualties among civilians.

But anyway I think that you are right and many people are abandoning that ship. Hope sinks soon. They can come here but let Palestinians in Peace and in their land.
 
Al-Qassam Brigades launched rockets at Tel Aviv today.


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Correspondent to the French news channel LCI from Tel Aviv:
A journalist from the American CNN network accompanied an Emirati military unit in a special operation in the Gaza Strip?

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Al-Qassam: We are engaging in fierce clashes at zero distance with the enemy forces that have penetrated west of Jabalia camp, and we have inflicted casualties among its ranks.#حرب_غزة
 
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A number of vehicles caught fire after rockets fell on Kfar Faridim in the occupied Western Galilee.
 
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