Separatists who take up arms against the state may be seen as fair targets, as are the military installations of a force viewed as an occupier by the local population. Yet, when separatists target innocent civilians, and the armed forces resort to indiscriminate killings and abductions under the pretext of fighting separatism, both are guilty of engaging in terrorism.
The real question, however, is what drives people to the point where they feel compelled to take up arms against the state. Militant separatist movements don’t emerge in a vacuum; they are usually rooted in deep-seated resentment, born of a belief in being wronged and oppressed, and fueled by the systematic denial of any avenues to address those grievances within the existing framework.
Take the case of erstwhile East Pakistan, for example. The Bengali people did not turn against Pakistan overnight. For over 20 years, they were systematically denied their basic democratic rights, with every available avenue for redress closed off. This long-standing marginalization ultimately culminated in the state’s violent crackdown in 1971, to which the Bengalis, in turn, responded. A crucial, yet often overlooked, development was the 1954 provincial elections in East Pakistan. Originally due in 1951, the elections were delayed by the Establishment's stalling tactics—though this ultimately did little to save them. The election saw a sweeping victory for the socialists and nationalists of the United Front, which secured 228 out of 309 seats (including nine reserved for women). In stark contrast, the Muslim League, which had been in power in one form or another since 1937, won a mere 7 seats. This marked the rise of Bengali nationalism. However, just two months later, on May 30, the ministry was dismissed and direct governor’s rule was imposed.
And then, by 1957, most of the dissenters had coalesced into the left-wing, secular National Awami Party (NAP) and were confident in their prospects of winning a majority in the promised direct elections set for 1958. However, later that year, the first Martial Law was imposed in the country. Fast forward to 1970, when the first general elections were finally held, 23 years after the country's independence. Once again, the Bengalis secured a majority. Yet, the establishment denied them their rightful claim to power once again and instead launched a brutal crackdown. After exhausting all constitutional and lawful avenues, the Bengalis were left with no choice but to take up arms—and the rest, as they say, is history.
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It seems the Pakistan Army has learned little from its past mistakes. Once again, by shutting down all legal and constitutional avenues for citizens to secure their basic rights—through rigging elections, manipulating the courts, and relying on brute force—they are driving people toward more extreme measures to claim what is rightfully theirs. And while the geopolitics of East Pakistan were different, and we may not witness a repeat of the 1971 scenario involving Indian involvement, the fundamental point remains: this growing dissatisfaction and alienation will inevitably manifest in its own unique ways, potentially threatening the very existence of what remains of Pakistan.
