Russia, Iran, And India Are Creating A Third Pole Of Influence In International Relations

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India-Iran Military Cooperation: Analysing Iranian Defence Minister’s Visit to India​

The Indian foreign policy has undergone significant changes in approach and directions under Prime Minister Modi – from non alignment to multi-alignment with strategic autonomy. The regional outreach through its “Neighbourhood First” and “Extended Neighbourhood” policies are pathways designed for India’s global footprints. In its pursuit of the shaper of the global landscape, security has assumed greater salience with a strategic focus on military and defence cooperation. India’s Iran policy at present with its civilizational and cultural linkages epitomises India’s new vision and pursuit in the region and beyond. Iran assumes utmost importance in India’s Afghan policy, Central Asian Vision, Continental Security and Maritime Security. There is strong synergy in these geopolitical and security vision of the two Indian Ocean Rim countries. The visit of the Iranian Defence Minister now is a crucial reminder of this natural milieu as well as the necessity of cooperation in the military and defence arena for security and stability of the shared region.

The vision of strategic cooperation set by the “Tehran Declaration”, 2001 during the Iran visit of Prime Minister, Atal Bihari Vajpayee was strengthened by the “Delhi Declaration” during the visit of President Khatami in 2003 and agreement for the development of Chabahar port by India. The trajectory of cooperation was boosted tremendously in 2016 with the visit of PM Modi and the signing of the Tripartite Treaty’ on Chabahar trade and transit hub by India, Iran and Afghanistan, an endorsement of mutuality of geopolitical and geostrategic interests and shared vision of security and prosperity. The visit and of talk of defence cooperation signifies the strategic relationship based on multiple shared interests political, economic and security with credible military cooperation component.


The stop-over by our Defence Minister, Rajnath Singh and External Affairs Minister, Dr. S Jaishanker in Tehran on the way to Moscow for Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) meet in September 2020 manifests deeper geopolitical and security interests of the two countries. This becomes apparent in the words of Shree Rajnath Singh that “We discussed regional issues including Afghanistan and the issues of bilateral cooperation.” In his address to SCO in Moscow, he added that “We are deeply concerned about the situation in the Persian Gulf.”

India Ocean maritime security has assumed enhanced strategic salience in recent years. India’s “SAGAR Doctrine” pushes the multilateral approach for maritime security, shared growth, connectivity and capacity building. In this background, the India Ocean Region defence minister meet in New Delhi is an initiative to promote a multilateral institutional framework of the rim countries for creating a cooperative vision and environment for security, stability and shared prosperity in the region. India with 7500 km coastline is set to assume an active role for a peaceful and prosperous Indian Ocean regime projecting as a credible security partner, security provider and market for Indian-made defence hardware.

Iran is also one of the largest countries on the Indian Ocean rim and has played a significant role in the northern part of the Ocean. With its consistent maritime strategy, naval drills and activities, Iran is a capable actor against its potential threats in the region and plays a vital role in establishing the safety and security of overseas trade routes in the region. The visiting Iranian defence minister remarked about the shared role and vision of maritime security that “Tehran and New Delhi have cultural and historical commonalities, common approaches towards many regional and international issues and geographical capacity, particularly in the India Ocean.” He further added that “These capacities can play a significant role in expanding the two country’s relations, particularly in the defence and military sectors.”

The visiting Iranian Air Force commander, Amir Aziz Nasirzadeh said in Bengaluru that Iran Air Force has made steady headways in the advanced Unmanned Ariel Vehicle (UAVs) with cutting-edge nanotechnology and artificial intelligence. While the Defence Minister, Hatami remarked that Iran’s aviation industries have produced numerous light fighters and training fighters and working towards further upgradation and variation in consonance with diverse security requirements. In a complementing note, the Iranian Defence Minister said “Aero India illustrates that India has embarked on a serious and technological move in the field of the aviation industry and is using its capabilities and those of its private sector to make significant progress.” These are sure points of emerging convergence of security perception and strategy of the two countries in the region.

Besides, Iran assumes a vital position in Indian strategic thinking and calculus in respect of its Afghan policy and Central Asian vision and to bypass Pakistan with Chabahar port complex, strategic hub for connectivity to Afghanistan and vital for its’s continental security. The ‘Fatemiyon Brigade’ ensures Iran a sustainably formidable position in Afghanistan. The Taliban diplomatic office in Doha provides an accessible contact point for Iran with the Taliban, it shares the common goal of US and allies leaving Afghanistan. Thus impending post-US Afghanistan, the geopolitical situation makes Iran a factor of strategic salience for India for its policy in the inexorable Afghan conflict complex.

After US withdrawal from JCPOA in 2018, Iran pursues a focused ‘Look East’ approach to developing a credible multilateral security framework with ‘Eastern Powers’ to ensure its security in the face of Arab-Israel regional rivalry with US backing. Iran convened a kind of ‘Regional Security Initiative’ on 26th September 2018 mainly focusing on joint strategy on terrorism mainly in Afghanistan and Central Asia in which India was represented by its National Security Advisor. A joint naval exercise of Iran and Russia has begun in the northern Indian Ocean with the slogan of ‘security of maritime commerce’ on 16th February 2021. The Iranian Navy Commander, Hossein Khanzadi told that India will also join the exercise and the intent of the exercise is “maritime security” and “collective security” in the region.

In the wake of a prospective Biden administration deal with Iran, the sustained and growing cooperation with Iran will spur Indian position in the Iranian ‘Look East’ strategy. The US engagement with Iran by resuming JCPOA with or without new terms and additions is a geopolitical imperative to halt increasing Russian and Chinese influence which has become a critical survival option for Iran. In that broader framework, there is a deeper anxiousness in the US and among its European allies to engage with Iran and integrate its economy for trade, investment and bring it into the loop of western technology sphere to stem the expansion of China in that country and wider region pushing back western presence and interests.

In this complex region, Iran stands out as a peerless partner with its huge population, vast and varied resources, military power and indigenous technological prowess. The historical root of India-Iran relations makes the contemporary geopolitical commonality and shared maritime security imperative of the Indian Ocean mutually crucial and vital for their respective national interests and regional security. This deeper strategic mutuality makes it imperative for both to survive the regional rivalry syndrome to serve their mutually complementary and reinforcing national requites. The emerging ‘strategic autonomy’ in Indian foreign policy will hopefully ensure sustained engagement. Thus the visit of the Iranian Defence Minister has surely activated this subdued synergy of interest and can be a turning point for strategic military cooperation between the two countries as powerful guardians of the Indian Ocean region in the changing geopolitical landscape of the emerging world order.

India-Iran Military Cooperation: Analysing Iranian Defence Minister’s Visit to India

The Indian foreign policy has undergone significant changes in approach and directions under Prime Minister Modi - from non alignment to multi-alignment with strategic autonomy. The regional outreach

diplomatist.com

 

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The changing balance in the Indian Ocean​

Anew axis among Moscow, Beijing and Tehran might bring major changes to geopolitics in the Indian Ocean.

The old “Great Game,’’ dating back to the 19th century struggle over Central Asia and Russian access to the Indian Ocean, is experiencing a renaissance. Then, the Russian Empire started to gain control in Central Asia from the north and the west, while the British Empire approached from the south, through the Indian subcontinent.

The British Empire saw a Russian threat to its hold over India and a challenge to its dominance in the Indian Ocean. This conflict contributed strongly to the outbreak of World War I (although it was not the sole reason) as British foreign policy was not opposed to the idea of a war between Russia and Germany. London’s hope was to neutralize Russia in Central Asia and weaken Germany’s ability to contest British dominance of the seas. It was also in the British interest that Persia, now Iran, stayed neutral.

An interesting development happened during World War II, when the British Empire was jealously blocking the Soviet Union from any access to the Indian Ocean. The United States needed then-neutral Iran for transporting war materiel to the Soviet Union to strengthen Moscow’s position against Nazi Germany. So, the Soviet Union occupied northern Iran while Britain occupied the southern portion. The Shah (Reza Pahlavi), who wanted to remain neutral in the war, had to leave the country in 1941 and died in exile three years later at the age of 66. His son, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, took over in exile. The country became a conduit for American and British supplies to the Soviet Union through the Persian Corridor.

In 1946, Iran regained its sovereignty, and after some turmoil, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi resumed his rule.

Iran became very prosperous and was one of the world’s largest oil exporters. Iran developed into a regional power and became an effective and loyal ally of the West against the Soviet Union. Tehran modernized its society and economy. The progress displeased the powerful Shia clergy. The Shah’s regime was also challenged as being authoritarian, the degree to which is subject to subjective assessments. With strong backing from the Soviets, unrest broke out in the late 1970s.

Russian access to the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, China’s developing influence in the Middle East and the “unholy” axis of Moscow, Tehran and Beijing are challenging existing spheres of interest.

U.S. President Jimmy Carter pressured the Shah to leave Iran as the oppressive Islamic dictatorship that still rules today took over under the leadership of Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini in 1979. The Shah died in exile in 1980 at age 60. Iran’s foreign policy now includes sponsoring terrorism abroad, achieving an Islamic theocratic leadership in the entire Middle East and annihilating Israel. The regime brutally controls the population and subjugates women. In the beginning, this regime did not only declare the U.S. and the West as devils, but they had also problems as a theocratic regime with the atheistic principles of the Soviet Union.

This has changed now. Russia and Iran have become as friendly as their mutual interests in foreign and security policy allow. As Pakistan has become a main transit corridor for China, delivering access to the Indian Ocean through the southern port city of Gwadar, the same possibility is open now for Russia through Iranian ports leading to the Indian Ocean. Russia finances the construction of railways and the improvement of Iranian ports to achieve these ends. The railways stretch from the Caspian Sea area to the Indian Ocean. A cornerstone of the British Empire and later U.S. policy was to block Soviet/Russian access to the Indian Ocean. Russian President Vladimir Putin and Tehran’s clerics might have now achieved what the tsars and the Soviets failed to do.

But Tehran is also seeking help from Beijing, a strictly atheist regime that is oppressing its Islamic population. In recent days, President Xi Jinping’s foreign policy helped work out the reinstatement of diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, two declared foes. This was preceded by the Chinese leader’s visit to Riyadh a few months ago. China is now starting to extend its influence not only in the Indian Ocean but also in the Middle East. Before, Beijing had avoided direct activities in Arab countries.

Besides the strategic issue, there is another very interesting aspect. India is a very important trading partner for Russia. India has not joined the economic sanctions against Moscow and is one of the Russian defense industry’s main customers. At present, there is a problem with transportation. The maritime route from India to Russia goes through the Red Sea, the Suez Canal, the Mediterranean Sea, the English Channel and the Skagerrak Strait to ports in the Baltic Sea. This is very long and strategically fragile since the supply lines could be blocked by powers, especially the U.S. and Europeans.

Consequently, Russia is not only financing the existing trans-Iranian north-south railroad and improving the short crossing through Azerbaijan. Additionally, a new rail link will also be created from Iran’s Indian Ocean coast to Turkmenistan and onto Russia on the eastern side of the Caspian Sea.

Russian access to the Persian Gulf and the Indian Ocean, China’s developing influence in the Middle East and the “unholy” axis of Moscow, Tehran and Beijing are additional factors challenging existing spheres of interest.

China, Russia and Iran change the Indian Ocean balance

An “unholy” axis of China, Russia and Iran threatens to reorder the geopolitical reality in the Indian Ocean.

www.gisreportsonline.com

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