If I may be permitted to add..( from my notes )
Zorawar Singh’s conquest of Ladakh and Baltistan brought the Dogra principality of Jammu to the neighbourhood of Central Asia and Tibet. It also uncovered new political fields for the Sikh state of Lahore.
The Sikh state was surrounded by the British on all sides, except on the north and north-east. It was, therefore, isolated and left without friends and was constantly in danger of British invasion. The only direction left for Lahore kingdom for expansion was on the north and east of Ladakh. It was also in this direction that they could hope to make allies, particularly with Nepal. Nepal was the only surviving independent Hindu kingdom which could be expected to help Lahore in the hour of need. Both were already in correspondence and contact with each other through their representatives. But Nepal could be reached only by the conquest of the intervening territory of western Tibet, over which the Dogras could assert claim as being part of the once extensive Ladakhi kingdom.
The more important cause for the Dogra invasion of Tibet was perhaps the Dogra diplomacy of strengthening their own position in their own territories. This was necessary for the achievement of independence whenever opportunity for this presented itself. After the death of Ranjit Singh in 1839, the influence of Gulab Singh and his brothers, Dhian Singh and Suchet Singh, at the Lahore Darbar was on the wane.
Apart from the diplomatic and commercial interests, the territories of western Tibet offered to the Dogras another incentive for conquest, which also served as immediate cause of the invasion. Up to the reign of Singge Namgyal in Ladakh (1600-645) the region of western Tibet formed a part of the Ladakhi kingdom. As a result of the Ladakhi-Tibetan war of 1684, Singge had to cede these territories, from the borders of present Ladakh up to the Maryum pass, to Lhasa. Zorawar Singh could therefore assert Ladakhi claims on these Tibetan territories which lie to the east and south-east of Ladakh, and are known as Rudok, Chang-Thang (Shan-than) and Naris.
Gulab Singh’s objective was to get control of this lucrative wool trade. Previously this wool used to be sent to Ladakh but the Dogra conquest of Ladakh diverted the trade to the factories of Bashahr. Now it became necessary to conquer the lands producing this wool in order to monopolise its trade. So “with Ladakh in his hands all he needed to achieve a monopoly of the coveted wool trade was to annex those areas of Tibet from which wool came.”
In 1841, the time seemed favourable for Gulab singh to send Zorawar Singh on conquest of these territories. At .that time the Sikh kingdom of Lahore had been shaken to its foundations by internal dissensions. The British were busy in saving their face in Afghanistan & Burma. The Chinese were resisting British attempts to sell Opium to China, Nepal was divided by factional struggles. In Tibet itself there was considerable turmoil arising from a power struggle between the Regent of The Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Ministers.
Taking advantage of these events; Zorawar Singh made ’ ready to move his forces into Naris, the region of Tibet to the West of the Mayum pass. To provide him with pretext for mobilisation he revived claims to these territories in the capacity of the master of Ladakh, which once ruled , over Naris.
He wrote to the Garphoh (governor) of these districts not to; supply pashmina wool to any other area except Ladakh & also demanded tribute from him. But the Garphon sent only five horses'and five mules. The Dogra General was offended at this & ordered his forces to move into Naris to occupy it for Gulab Singh.
By the middle of June 1841 Zorawar Singh was reported to have moved his troops to the outposts of western Tibet. Zorawar Singh also secured his rear before leaving on the conquest of Tibet. He also made it sure that the Baltis and Ladakhis remained peaceful and loyal. For this purpose, and perhaps with a view to testing the loyalty of his new subjects and their chiefs. Zorawar not only sent their leaders at the head of various columns but also mobilised and armed Baltis and Ladakhis and made them to accompany the Dogra army as auxiliary force.
The invasion was planned out during April 1841 and the movement of the troops towards of Naris started by May. His thrust into Naris was three pronged. In addition to his own force, two smaller columns of 300 to 500 men each, marched through Rupshu, one under Ghulam Khan (the former ruler of Skardu) and the other under Nono Sodnam, the Ladakhi chief. Both these columns moved and entered the Tibetan territory before Zorawar advanced with his main force.
Zorawar Singh himself led the main force of about 3000, Dogra soldiers and advanced in May along the road-south of the Pankong lake. From Chushul he entered the Tibetan district of Rudok and conquered the place on June 5th and took the Garphon (governor) prisoner.
The Chinese account of the Dogra-Tibetan war of 1841 which was written by the Chinese Resident at Lhasa, reveals the promptitude with which the Chinese and. Tibetan authorities reacted to the Dogra invasion, They offered stubborn resistance and sent against the Dogras large armies at the first information of their entry into their land.
The most important and the decisive battle of this campaign was fought at Kardung, where the General Pi-hsi was waiting for the arrival of the Dogra armies. He had organized stiff resistance to the invaders with the help of the Gonpo (Governor) of Gartok who had fled to Taklakot after his defeat. The Tibetan defences were, however, broken down and the defenders routed.
The first thing Zorawar Singh did after the conquest of Misra was to take a holy bath in the lake Manasarovar and offer a golden idol at the Kailash temple.
He had achieved the height of fame. His downfall was imminent. The Chinese dragon had been provoked, the line of communications precariously extended, and the freezing hostile winter was about to lash out with all its fury of snow and storms.
In a short span of three or four months Zorawor Singh had introduced in his newly-conquered territory all the measures of administration and defence which he had tried successfully in Ladakh. By these measures he pleased the population and thus prepared ground for the permanent occupation of the western Tibet. In spite of all the British objections, Zorawar Singh was determined to annex the conquered territories to the Dogra principality, and to the kingdom of Lahore through Gulab Singh.
Meanwhile, an eminent Chinese official, Kahlon Sarkhung, and other Tibetan officials, arrived on the east side of the Mayum pass. As soon as Zorawar received intimation of their arrival, he opened peace negotiations “promising to withdraw on condition of a money payment (tribute) from Tibet.” He also desired the Tibetans to recognise him as the ruler of western Tibet, and to pay the cost of the various actions fought by him in Tibet. He also demanded that the Tibetans should send all shawl-wool to Ladakh as had been done in the past, otherwise he threatened to invade Lhasa. Zorawar had wanted to withdraw to Ladakh in view of the severe winter.
From the beginning of. the Tibetan episode, the British officials,were afraid of its harmful influences to their diplomacy. One fear was the possibility of a Dogra-Sikh-Gurkha axis against them. The other fear was the provocation of the Chinese. In their opinion, China would not view with indifference the capture of Garo and other Tibetan territories by the Dogras. It was feared that in case of the Chinese counteroffensive a dangerous situation was likely to develop on the northern border of India which could he harmful to their interests in China and Nepal. Such a situation could lead to the impairment of their relations with China with whom they were negotiating peace settlement after the recent Opium war. So when General Zorawar Singh had occupied the post and town of Gartok in the middle of August, the Government of India became particularly concerned and advised their Agent, Mr. G. R. Clerk, to call on the Maharaja of Lahore for an explanation of these aggression. He was also advised to convey to the Maharaja the view of the British that he will be held responsible for all injurious proceedings on the part of their vassal Dogra Rajas, and that he should let the Maharaja understand that the Governor-General may possibly insist on the return of Jammu troops from the scene of their aggression. The British authorities thought it dangerous for them to allow the Sikhs and Gulab Singh to establish their authority in that region.
The Sino-Tibetan authorities had become unnerved at the steady advance of General Zorawar Singh towards Lhasa. His progress could not be stopped by the strong military outposts established at the five military headquarters of the provincial divisions. They made frantic preparations to stop the further advance of the Dogras and to hurl them back. A number of troops had already been sent.
As a result of these skirmishes and ill effects of extreme cold, some soldiers of Zorawar’s army seem to have started deserting their camp and taking shelter in the British territories. The British authorities, therefore, advised the Commissioner of Kumaon that he should provide for their actual
needs and send them to the Punjab.
The Dogra General now realised his critical position. The enemy numbered over 10,000, or almost three times the strength of his own troops. No help could be expected from the Dogra Rajas, who were deeply busy in their own affairs, quite oblivious of the position of their brave General.
As the Gulabnama records, “the cloud and snow had disabled most of the warriors. Snow and chill, freezing wind and frost plundered the army of its courage and strength and reduced Zorawar’s soldiers to desolation and desperation.”
In spite of this disability Zorawar Singh did not surrender, and he and his soldiers decided to face the situation heroically. They dug up trenches, around which there was a three- day combat. The Dogras wanted to advance towards Toyo. The Tibetans had laid an ambush. The Dogras, however, boldly rushed on the enemy and made their way towards their destination.
