General Economic Updates

[hydrabadi_arab]

Including solar overall >>22,000/GWh

Pakistan electricity from solar generation ~70 twh in FY2025-26 ending june 26. Combined with grid 130 TWh, overall it passed 200 TWh mark.

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

𝐂𝐀𝐃 𝐫𝐞𝐝𝐮𝐜𝐞𝐝 𝐛𝐲 𝟑𝟖%𝐘𝐨𝐘 𝐭𝐨 𝐔𝐒$𝟑𝟐𝟖𝐦𝐧 𝐢𝐧 𝐉𝐮𝐥'𝟐𝟔

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

Good growth in services exports July 2026



If this trend continues then exports of goods and services will cross $45bn in FY2026-27.

 

[Pakistanithinktank]

Today, Moulana Fazal Ul Rehman confirmed what have been telling you about Pakistani -Chinese relationship.
Chinese are not happy with Pakistan because of Establishment’s topi drama.

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

Looks like freelancers will bring $2.5bn in FY2026-27.

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

Burning the buffers​

HERE is an interesting question: if they decide to throw caution to the winds and pump growth this fiscal year, what sort of growth rates could they fetch given the state of the fiscal and foreign exchange buffers these days? A tentative answer suggests they could realistically produce up to two consecutive years of six per cent GDP growth before the buffers are fully exhausted. This is the outer envelope of what is possible at the moment, but there are ways to extend this horizon by as much as one more year.

My calculation is a relatively simple one. Let’s start with the last growth episode we saw that was fuelled by burning the country’s fiscal and FX buffers. The boom began in September 2020, when the Quantum Index of Manufacturing first turned positive after a long spell in negative territory. It continued for 22 months till June 2022, when it turned negative again. Then came a 12-month hangover, during which QIM remained negative while reserves continued to burn.

Over these 22 months of boom times, the fiscal buffer burned by Rs2.7 trillion — roughly Rs125 billion a month of primary deficits — and the reserve buffer burned by $2.9bn, about $130 million a month. These are average figures and they hide an important detail. The real reserve burn began in August 2021, a full year after the boom started. Until then, the reserves were still rising, driven by surging remittances and borrowing. But once the peak hit, the burn rate leapt up sharply to $1bn per month, or $16bn between September 2021 and the trough of January 2023.

There seems to be a reason why this happened. The first year of the boom saw idle capacity activated and the financing requirements of this period were mainly working capital and raw material imports. But once the output gap closed, around September 2021, imports leapt up. It is important to mention, though, that at least half of this rise was driven by the oil import bill from this point onwards. It is equally important to point out that non-oil imports ran 44pc higher during these months than the baseline established in the pre-Covid months.

Burning your buffers to fuel growth is a little like burning your furniture to heat your house.

Then came the hangover months from July 2022 to June 2023. Growth in the preceding two years had burned away the reserves and the fiscal buffers of the state, and a sharp contraction was now necessary as well as an emergency return to the IMF. From July 2022 the economy was hit by a wave of debt-related outflows since creditors, many of them short-term, refused to roll over their commitments. Debt repayments and related outflows had totalled $10.8bn in the first year of the growth boom. They rose to $14bn in the second year. By the time the hangover came, they leapt up to cross $18bn. Some of this was short-term money they had borrowed to keep financing the drains from the growth phase, and seeing the reserves dwindle and a severe power struggle grip the country, paralysing its decision-making, creditors bolted for the exit. Over this period, official FX reserves fell from $9.8bn to $4.4bn, not even enough for one month of import cover.

Official reserves today are at $18.4bn while the primary balance is around 2.5pc of GDP, or Rs3.2tr in total. If we take June 2023 as our baseline and assume we can gun growth till these FX reserves and the primary balance have returned to their baselines, we can get a rough estimate of how much headroom exists in which to pump growth.

With these FX reserves, they can sustain a growth boom like the last one for roughly 24 to 32 months, or 2 –2.5 years. This is because past cycles show that the real burn in the reserves begins in the second year or sometimes even later of the growth boom. With $18bn in hand and an endpoint of $4.4bn (the June 2023 reserves level), this gives them headroom of around $14bn which can sustain the FX requirements of a growth boom for anywhere between 14-20 months at burn rates from the last growth boom.

The first year of the boom can be considered FX neutral since reserves will still be rising and the real demands of the growing economy kick in after the output gap has closed. They can stretch this by arranging fresh inflows. For example, a $3bn Eurobond floated in this fiscal year adds three to four more months, but nothing more. Further bilateral inflows and maybe favourable debt rescheduling can add a few more months. But it will take a lot of debt and a lot of work to stretch the outer envelope of the FX runway from 32 to 48 months.

The fiscal buffer is a little trickier because it includes both a domestic-currency and foreign-currency component. Its lowest level, measured by the primary balance, was hit at the end of FY22 when it came in at negative 3.1pc of GDP. Today, it stands at positive 2.5pc of GDP, which means there is potentially room for it to fall by almost 5.6 percentage points of GDP, or Rs8tr at FY27 nominal GDP. The last growth boom saw a burn rate of the fiscal buffer at around 1.9 percentage points per year. That gives us around three years of runway before the present buffer hits crisis levels.

Of course, they can always augment these resources with more externally arranged inflows to extend the burn. That is what they always do. But this augmentation rarely buys more than a 12-month extension. But the larger point here is that burning your buffers to fuel growth is a little like burning your furniture to heat your house. The temptation to pump growth, to spend the buffers built with such sacrifice, is great. But the costs, when they inevitably arrive, are always greater still.

The writer is a business and economy journalist.

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

Of course, they can always augment these resources with more externally arranged inflows to extend the burn. That is what they always do. But this augmentation rarely buys more than a 12-month extension. But the larger point here is that burning your buffers to fuel growth is a little like burning your furniture to heat your house. The temptation to pump growth, to spend the buffers built with such sacrifice, is great. But the costs, when they inevitably arrive, are always greater still.

N league/Shabaz govt if it wanted can burn its buffer for 2-3 years to show 6+ GDP growth like Imrandu or Nawaz/dar did. But I think establishment have learned its lesson to not allow this to happen again.

If you can't bring 6% growth without burning reserves then you are not doing good job. Shabaz govt is failing miserably to do reforms and one hint is that Imran Khan is now out of jail.

Imran Khan can make a deal with establishment to do drastic reforms they want with popular mandate.

 

[hydrabadi_arab]

 

[Pakistanithinktank]

Goodyear states there are “17 sustainable ingredients, including recycled polyester and plant-based components like soybean oil, rice husk waste, and “bio-renewable” pine resin. It also uses steel with "high recycled content" and "ISCC-certified mass balance polymers from bio- and bio-circular feedstock."

Why can’t Pakistan think of out of box solution and develop its agricultural products?

Making leather products from cactus plant which Pakistan can easily grow in Sindh and Blochistan.

 

[SoulSpokesman]

@hydrabadi_arab

Hydra bro,

The PMLN govt can turn up the volumes somewhere in late 2027 so that they can show high GDP growth without exhausting the buffers by election day 2029?

Regards

 

[EugeneP]

Goodyear states there are “17 sustainable ingredients, including recycled polyester and plant-based components like soybean oil, rice husk waste, and “bio-renewable” pine resin. It also uses steel with "high recycled content" and "ISCC-certified mass balance polymers from bio- and bio-circular feedstock."

Why can’t Pakistan think of out of box solution and develop its agricultural products?

Making leather products from cactus plant which Pakistan can easily grow in Sindh and Blochistan.

These unconventional processes may not be cost competitive with established mainstream processes. When recycled inputs have been used to substitute virgin raw materials, many times they need government subsidy to make them cost competitive.

 

[Pakistanithinktank]

These unconventional processes may not be cost competitive with established mainstream processes. When recycled inputs have been used to substitute virgin raw materials, many times they need government subsidy to make them cost competitive.

Pakistan doesn’t need to reinvent its entire agricultural system to start earning serious revenue, it simply needs to strategically grow a handful of high‑value crops. Even focusing on chilies, garlic, ginger, and mushrooms could dramatically cut import bills and open the door to multi‑billion‑dollar export markets. These are crops with strong global demand, relatively low water requirements, and excellent profit margins for small farmers. In other words, they’re exactly the kind of products that can help Pakistan shift from chronic agricultural dependency to sustainable economic growth.

But none of this can happen without confronting a deeper structural issue: land ownership.

For decades, Pakistan’s rural economy has been shaped by an entrenched feudal system. According to agricultural census data and analyses by organizations such as PILER and the World Bank, roughly 4–5% of rural elites control nearly 45–50% of all cultivated land. This isn’t just an economic imbalance, it’s a political one. Large landholdings often translate directly into influence over local administration, access to political office, and informal immunity within judicial and market systems.

Land ceiling law exist but it’s not implemented by Federal Government.

This concentration of power creates a cycle where small farmers remain dependent, innovation stalls, and agricultural productivity never reaches its true potential. Land reform, therefore, isn’t just a policy idea, it’s a prerequisite for unlocking Pakistan’s agricultural future. A more equitable distribution of land would empower farmers, encourage modern cultivation practices, and allow high‑value crops like chilies, garlic, ginger, and mushrooms to become engines of national growth rather than niche commodities.

If Pakistan wants to reduce imports, boost exports, and build a resilient rural economy, it must tackle both sides of the equation: strategic crop selection and structural land reform.

Under the 34 EZ model, every farmer, whether small, medium, or large, would be required to file taxes, with a dedicated category created specifically for agricultural income. The idea is simple: bring farmers into the formal economy without drowning them in bureaucracy. A streamlined filing system would help document real production levels, reduce tax evasion, and ensure that agricultural revenue becomes part of the national financial picture.

This approach also aims to break a long‑standing pattern where only certain segments of the rural elite participate in formal taxation while the majority of farmers remain outside the system. By giving agriculture its own tax category, the government can tailor incentives, offer rebates for modern equipment, and track crop output more accurately. In theory, it creates a fairer, more transparent structure where everyone contributes according to their scale and everyone benefits from being recognized as part of the formal economy.

If implemented well, the 34 EZ model could help Pakistan move toward a more accountable agricultural sector, reduce loopholes, and encourage investment in modern farming practices.
In my opinion 50% of tax collected from agriculture should go to economic zones.

 

[EugeneP]

Pakistan doesn’t need to reinvent its entire agricultural system to start earning serious revenue, it simply needs to strategically grow a handful of high‑value crops. Even focusing on chilies, garlic, ginger, and mushrooms could dramatically cut import bills and open the door to multi‑billion‑dollar export markets. These are crops with strong global demand, relatively low water requirements, and excellent profit margins for small farmers. In other words, they’re exactly the kind of products that can help Pakistan shift from chronic agricultural dependency to sustainable economic growth.

But none of this can happen without confronting a deeper structural issue: land ownership.

For decades, Pakistan’s rural economy has been shaped by an entrenched feudal system. According to agricultural census data and analyses by organizations such as PILER and the World Bank, roughly 4–5% of rural elites control nearly 45–50% of all cultivated land. This isn’t just an economic imbalance, it’s a political one. Large landholdings often translate directly into influence over local administration, access to political office, and informal immunity within judicial and market systems.

Land ceiling law exist but it’s not implemented by Federal Government.

This concentration of power creates a cycle where small farmers remain dependent, innovation stalls, and agricultural productivity never reaches its true potential. Land reform, therefore, isn’t just a policy idea, it’s a prerequisite for unlocking Pakistan’s agricultural future. A more equitable distribution of land would empower farmers, encourage modern cultivation practices, and allow high‑value crops like chilies, garlic, ginger, and mushrooms to become engines of national growth rather than niche commodities.

If Pakistan wants to reduce imports, boost exports, and build a resilient rural economy, it must tackle both sides of the equation: strategic crop selection and structural land reform.

Under the 34 EZ model, every farmer, whether small, medium, or large, would be required to file taxes, with a dedicated category created specifically for agricultural income. The idea is simple: bring farmers into the formal economy without drowning them in bureaucracy. A streamlined filing system would help document real production levels, reduce tax evasion, and ensure that agricultural revenue becomes part of the national financial picture.

This approach also aims to break a long‑standing pattern where only certain segments of the rural elite participate in formal taxation while the majority of farmers remain outside the system. By giving agriculture its own tax category, the government can tailor incentives, offer rebates for modern equipment, and track crop output more accurately. In theory, it creates a fairer, more transparent structure where everyone contributes according to their scale and everyone benefits from being recognized as part of the formal economy.

If implemented well, the 34 EZ model could help Pakistan move toward a more accountable agricultural sector, reduce loopholes, and encourage investment in modern farming practices.
In my opinion 50% of tax collected from agriculture should go to economic zones.

What is the market opportunity for chilies, garlic, ginger, and mushrooms that can be targeted by Pakistan? Fresh foods need refrigerated transportation or air delivery that will be challenge for Pakistan. It may be better to target products that don't need refrigerated or air transport.