Hezbollah-Israel Conflict 2024 - Lebanon & Occupied Palestine Territories
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Thanks and i agree with you on this, but this is quite a contrast to you saying this earlier (in screenshot below). LOL
It continues to amaze me how people who used to be top dogs, convinced themselves that they will continue to be player who counts...while in decline and in visible decline.
The Arab caliph of Baghdad boasts that they will continue to rule the earth until the end of times.
The justifications ? Because we are :
1. The military and economic juggernaut of the era
2. Our superior intellect
The thing is, ALL soon to collapse civilizations in the past, their intellectual phase are always AFTER their political decline. Which then soon be exploited by a new class of conquering race, which mostly are backwards and illiterate
So yes, it make sense, the political and military superiority of the White race has been on a steady decline since their high point during the time of ' Belle Epoch" or the great beauty in the 1900s then after that WW1, WW1, Viet Nam, the war in the Middle East has steadily eroded the comparative superiority of the West compared to the rest of the world.
We are now in a cycle where group like Houthis are able to stop naval commerce in the Red Sea and the West can't do anything about, just like they fail in Suez, but Houthis aren't even a state.
So because this trend of relative power continues to weaken, it will continue to be the case going forward, it's only a matter of time that the West really lose all their power and when that time comes Israel will be in very difficult position, because their host are no longer powerful, and all parasites needed a powerful host to survive, less they die.
Attachments
So what is superior intellect combined with a declining political and military power looks like ?
When the Mongols conquered Persia in the thirteenth century, theywere themselves entirely uneducated andwere obliged to depend wholly on nativePersian officials to administer the countryand to collect the revenue. They retained aswazeer, or Prime Minister, one Rashid alDin, a historian of international repute.
the Prime Minister, when speaking to theMongol II Khan, was obliged to remainthroughout the interview on his knees. Atstate banquets, the Prime Minister stoodbehind the Khan’s seat to wait upon him. Ifthe Khan were in a good mood, heoccasionally passed his wazeer a piece offood over his shoulder.
So it doesn't matter if the West continues to print more nobel leaurate every year or how many top universities are located in the West. The moment their military and political power decline relative to their opponents, or even worse collapses. These intellectuals, just like the Persian intellectuals under the Mongols, will be to the use of the new conquering race (which are mostly backward).So just how far has the West declines ?
The high point of the West should be considered the Belle Epoch
Belle Époque - Wikipedia
The Belle Epoque coincided with what people call the great divergence, the socioeconomic phenomena where the White race eclipsed everyone and anyone on earth including past mighty states (Ottomans, India, China).
This is the time where Europeans could just walk into Qing's capital city and divided the city into neighborhoods for whites.
or even put humans in zoo.
This is the high time of the Western civilizations.
But WW1 came .The result ? 3 mighty christian European empires cease to exist, in their place, small nation states (Russian empire, German and Austrian empire broken up to form the likes of Czechia, Ukraine, Poland etc.)
WW2 follows up, and Europe lose almost their entire sovereignty and a huge chunk of their people and industry in the process. Germany no longer a proud militaristic society, now divided into two, they're still and economic and intellectual power, but again they have lost the political and military power (reminds you of the Arabo-Persians in the 13th century).
Then what's left in Europe is the UK and France, and they only figured out they no longer pulls the string during the Suez crisis (1956). Where they fail to subdue newly independent Egypt. Other colonial power like the Netherlands caved to former colony Indonesia in the contest for Papua, while Portuguese lose Goa to India.
It would took another 40 years before Britain accepts the fate that they're no longer an empire with the handover of Hong Long to Communist China in 1999.
They try another war in the Middle East but even that they fail. Afghanistan falls back to taliban rule in 2021, while the war in the Middle East resulted in the return of Islamism, even though the Americans engineered war in these region to introduce liberal democracy.
If Suez in 1956 is humiliating enough for the French and the UK, for failing to perform against newly independent Egypt. Then 2024 saw the combined West failed to compel Houthis to open the Red Sea, and the Houthis aren't even a nation state, but an armed group hailing from the mountains of Yemen.
So we're already the relative decline in capacity of the West to impose their will using the political and military tools. It will continue to decline, I guess the upcoming war in the Pacific with China will be the main blow to the West's ability to shape the world to their whims.
So be patient. Soon enough, the host in which parasites like Israel land on will be subdued by time.
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The aircraft carrier USS Harry Truman (CVN-75), two destroyers and a cruiser departed Norfolk, Virginia, bound for the Mediterranean, which allows the simultaneous presence of the aircraft carriers Truman and USS Abraham Lincoln, which is in the Gulf of Oman, in case the situation worsens.
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Why War in Lebanon is Inevitable
By Robert Nicholson on September 18, 2024I spent a lovely Friday evening this summer on a friend’s terrace in northern Israel drinking cardamom-scented coffee a few kilometers from the Lebanese border. With the sun low on the horizon and a Mediterranean breeze blowing in from the west, the scene was idyllic. Except, that is, for the Iranian missiles falling from the sky and the Israeli rockets flying up to stop them.
It was a surreal moment. But since October 7, 2023, scenes like these—intense clashes between Hezbollah, the Iranian-backed militia that controls Lebanon, and the Israel Defense Forces—have been a daily reality for the people who live here. According to the Galilee-based Alma Research and Education Center, Hezbollah has launched 2,712 missile, rocket, and drone attacks on Israel since Oct. 7, killed 20 Israeli soldiers and 25 civilians, and forced at least 60,000 people out of their homes for almost a year. Fears of the Gaza conflict boiling over into a regional war are a constant refrain in the media but, as Assaf Orion writes at Foreign Affairs this month, “In some ways, this wider regional war is already at hand.”
With neither US Secretary of State Anthony Blinken nor his special envoy Amos Hochstein nor any of their Arab or European peers able to stop Hezbollah’s attacks through diplomacy, Israelis are demanding action from their prime minister—and Benjamin Netanyahu has no choice but to listen. Last Thursday he warned his security chiefs that a “large scale confrontation” with Hezbollah is coming. On Monday Yoav Gallant, his minister of defense, told US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin that the time for deal-making with Hezbollah is about over. On Tuesday Israel’s security cabinet made the return of displaced families an official war aim.
Arriving in the Upper Galilee region of Israel from Tel Aviv that Friday morning, I found it eerily deserted. Houses empty, stores shuttered, whole towns abandoned to nature—a near-total shutdown of a region that is already one of Israel’s least developed. But while the economic damage was stunning, the psychological damage is undoubtedly worse.
As the missiles collided above us, I asked my friend how she and her family, Israeli Christians, got on amid such chaos. “Oh this happens every day,” she answered with a weak smile. “You get used to it.” Feeling the bumim (a Hebraicization of the English word “booms”) reverberate in my chest, I couldn’t understand how.
“How will this end?” I asked her.
“We destroy Hezbollah—it’s the only way. These people only understand power.”
I knew that people back home would hear my friend’s call for a new (and more catastrophic) war in Lebanon as insane. But I also knew that most Israelis agree with her. And after seeing the situation with my own eyes, I couldn’t help but join them.
+++
As it happened, I’d heard the same sentiments from retired Brigadier General Yossi Kuperwasser two days earlier in Tel Aviv. Infantryman, artillery officer, head of research for military intelligence, director-general of the Ministry of Strategic Affairs—“Kuper,” as he’s known to many, has done it all.
Arriving at a café in Milano Square, I found him already seated. He looked tired, but smiled as I sat down. “Get the schnitzel,” he said. “You’ll like it.”
After ordering my food, I chit-chatted with Yossi and told him a bit about my trip. He wanted to know who else I was meeting with and what I was hearing. “It’s my first time back since Oct. 7, so I’ve been asking people what they’re feeling, what they’ve learned, stuff like that.” I paused. “And I have to say, I’m hearing a lot of the same things.”
He raised an eyebrow. “Such as?”
“If I had to summarize: Oct. 7 proved that containment doesn’t work, that the old way of doing things is over, and that it’s time to be more aggressive.”
Yossi sat up straighter, more awake now. “Yes, I think that’s right,” he said. “The lesson of Oct. 7 is that Israel cannot tolerate heavily armed radical Islamists on its borders, even if they stay quiet for years. They must be destroyed, preemptively if necessary.”
I found it an astonishing statement. Israelis are often caricatured as warmongers, but almost always prefer quiet “live-and-let-live” deals with their enemies over military confrontations. Harboring no illusions about changing hostile societies through force (at least since the First Lebanon War in 1982), they avoid grand adventures and apply violence only in limited circumstances. It’s the reason why Israel has been such a pioneer in the field of targeted killing, meting out pinprick strikes against high-value terrorists, applying the smallest amount of force to the fewest number of people as possible. US presidents often work to foster good around the world; conscious of limited means, Israeli prime ministers focus on preventing the worst.
Yet many in Israel now believe it was their very aversion to war and willingness to embrace a modus vivendi in Gaza that made the horrors of Oct. 7 possible. Netanyahu is assigned the most blame for his now-infamous policy of containing Hamas in the Gaza Strip, periodically degrading its military infrastructure in short wars, yet working to keep the Hamas regime afloat with cash infusions from Iranian ally Qatar. Though odd, the policy had its rationale.
“I have to admit,” I told Yossi, “Bibi’s approach made sense to me. In my mind, it was the best you could hope for. Honestly, what was the alternative: a preemptive Israeli invasion and regime change in the Gaza Strip? No one would have supported such a thing before Oct. 7.”
Bemused, Yossi dropped a bombshell on me. “I helped design that policy,” he said. It was more a confession than a statement. “And yes, it worked—until it didn’t.”
My food arrived and I began eating (the general’s intel on the schnitzel proved accurate) as Yossi explained his epiphany. A terrible danger was brewing in Gaza and only the total disarmament and destruction of Hamas would erase it—four months before Oct. 7, he published the warning in a policy paper at the Middle East Forum and began doing Hebrew language media to the same end. He made calls and visits to officials in the government, including to Bibi’s close aides. “Kuper, haven’t you heard?” he was told. “Hamas is deterred.”
Thinking back, Yossi shakes his head. “The idea that religious fanatics sworn to our destruction would ever live quietly on our borders was delusional.”
I was still struggling with the implications of what he was saying. “Aggressive, overwhelming, and preemptive force against enemies both active and inactive—that’s a seriously expeditionary posture.” I looked at the hipsters and young couples who filled the Tel Aviv café around us, adding, “Do you think these people are ready for that?”
He sighed, weariness returning to his face. “We need to finish the war in Gaza, turn to Hezbollah in Lebanon—and then to Iran,” he said. “Whoever wants to destroy us, we must destroy them first. What choice do we have?”
+++
Sitting on my friend’s terrace two days later, I knew she and Yossi were right: Even if Iran’s leaders ease up in response to an Israel-Hamas ceasefire, the presence of a massive terrorist army on Israel’s northern border cannot be left to fester after Oct. 7. A major war in Lebanon is coming—indeed, it must come. And it will be ugly.
War is coming not because Israel wants one or because its leaders are spoiling for new entanglements. It’s coming not because diplomacy hasn’t been tried or because Israel has ambitions for new territory. (In Hebrew, the word “Lebanon” carries the same dismal notes that “Vietnam” does in English.)
War is coming because the leaders of the Islamic Republic of Iran, moved by eschatological conviction, seek the destruction of Israel—and America, with Allah’s help—as a matter of policy, and because successive US administrations have ignored, excused, and thereby encouraged the ayatollahs’ behavior for 44 years. War is coming because my friend is right: The record shows that dialogue is impossible. These people only understand power.
As it happens, the feeling is mutual. A 2023 survey found 80 percent of Israeli Jews saying that Palestinians only understand the language of force, but 74 percent of Palestinians said the same thing about Israelis. Houthi spokesman Mohammed Abdul-Salam and Iranian Ayatollah Ali Khameini readily agree. When Palestinian prisoner Suheir Barghouti was released in a December 2023 prisoner/hostage swap with 239 other Palestinians, she used her first public interview to say, “The Israelis only understand the language of force, they only understand the language of blood. They always break their promise, they even gave the Prophet hard times back in the days.”
But the sentiment goes well beyond the Israeli-Palestinian arena, being common at the seam zone of every civilizational conflict. Barack Obama believed that ISIS only understood force, and Iraqi resistance groups believe the same about us; Madeline Albright believed it about Serbian war criminal Slobodan Milosevic, who believed it about the Bosniak Muslims and Croatian Catholics he fought; these days Democrats and Republicans believe it about Vladimir Putin (as did George S. Patton about the Red Army), and Putin believes it about them.
The best way to get what you want in international affairs is through diplomacy in the context of shared values, where two countries with a common view of history work toward common goals. Think of the US and the United Kingdom. In the absence of shared values, diplomacy is more difficult but hardly impossible. So long as the two countries aren’t enemies, they can pursue common interests through non-zero-sum transactions that are beneficial to both sides. Think of the US and Japan.
But when countries see history in terms that are radically different or indeed antithetical, even interest-based transactions become hard. Hailing from conflicting cosmological starting points, the two sides can’t understand, much less trust, each other because they can’t see the world through the other’s eyes. Every transaction, even if apparently value-neutral, implicates values and threatens domestic identity. For a country like the Islamic Republic of Iran, whose self-understanding is premised on the destruction of its infidel opponents, the very idea of win-win arrangements is nonsensical and repugnant.
Like it or not, power is the only lingua franca that reliably transcends cultural fault lines like those that separate Israel from Lebanon. That isn’t to say interest-based diplomacy across such boundaries is impossible—history is filled with pragmatic compromises between enemies. But these compromises, when they occur, are almost always reached in response to a real or threatened show of force that appeals to one or both countries need to survive. Think of the US and the USSR under the shadow of mutually assured destruction.
+++
The much-feared regional war is well underway—the only question now is how to end it. Paradoxically, the best answer is to skip multiple rungs on the escalation ladder and make a dramatic show of force that stops the Iranian regime in its tracks. This is where the US can help.
War-weary critics, eager to extricate themselves from the Near East, will cite truisms like “you can’t kill an idea” to prove the futility of this approach—but people living on fault lines know better. Israelis aren’t naïve enough to think that military force can eradicate the religious beliefs that drive Hamas and Hezbollah fighters, but that’s not their goal. Their goal is to prevent the weaponization of such beliefs against the homeland. You can’t kill an idea, but you can break its kneecaps.
Sitting on my friend’s terrace, this all became very real. I imagined what would happen if Hezbollah breached the border fence like Hamas did in the south, leaving me mere minutes before they reached my position. Needless to say, neither warm greetings, clever turns of phrase, nor generous bribes would do anything to stem their bloodlust. Inspired by a love for Allah, they would kill me, my friend (probably raping her first), and her entire family in a fit of spiritual euphoria.
When my friend went downstairs to pour another cup of coffee, I went inside to use the bathroom. Passing by her son’s room, I saw his IDF-issued M-4 assault rifle on the bed. Walking over to it, I picked it up and ejected the 30-round magazine to find it stacked with 5.56 mm rounds. Another full magazine lay nearby.
I raised the rifle to my shoulder and peered through the optic. For the first time that evening, I felt a little better.
Robert Nicholson is Editor-at Large of Providence, co-founder and board member of Save Armenia, founder of The Philos Project, and co-founder of Passages Israel. Robert also serves on the advisory board of In Defense of Christians and The Hague Initiative for International Cooperation (thinc). A formerly enlisted Marine and Tikvah Fellow, he holds a BA in Hebrew Studies from Binghamton University, and a JD and MA in Middle Eastern History from Syracuse University. His written work has appeared in the Wall Street Journal, Telegraph, New York Post, Jerusalem Post, Times of Israel, Newsweek, First Things, The Hill, and National Interest.
Providence is the only publication devoted to Christian Realism in American foreign policy and is entirely funded by donor contributions. There are no advertisements, sponsorships, or paid posts to support the work of Providence...
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Solomon2
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Searching for inspiring wartime stories, a JNS reporter discovers all he needs to do is look around.
Canaan Lidor
Sep. 25, 2024
Sep. 25, 2024
As soon as the fighting with Hezbollah escalated, I began looking for inspiring people to report on. It’s part of the job for a journalist living in a warzone.
There’s the obvious heroism of the Israel Air Force personnel and that of Iron Dome crews working tirelessly to save lives. Then there’s the steadfastness of the residents of Safed and other northern cities who have stayed put despite frequent rocket fire. Yet I was looking for the everyday bravery that is often overlooked.
In our quiet neighborhood in northern Haifa, I went down to the municipal bomb shelter, which suddenly looked like an out-of-place cafe. The bunker’s sidewalk had people chatting into the night as they snacked on sunflower seeds at tables laden with food, drinks and ashtrays.
This scene began unfolding this week in Kiryat Haim following the municipality’s decision to open the normally closed bunkers amid an escalation in the fighting with Hezbollah. Its terrorists have targeted Haifa with rockets for the first time in years as Israel hunts them and their assets in hundreds of strikes in Lebanon.
At least one family has moved into the shelter for a few days. Like most Haifa homes, that of Moshe Aladi, 36, has no sheltered area. When warning sirens go off, Aladi and his wife can’t reach the bunker with their three small children within the 60-second safety buffer.
“So we decided to camp out here at night instead of waking them up each time there’s an alarm,” Aladi said outside the bunker where his children, aged 2-9, were sleeping. “It’s a temporary, minor inconvenience until the Israel Defense Forces finish them off and give them what they deserve up there,” he added, referring to Hezbollah.
Aladi’s mix of determination and caution is typical of the 500,000 people who live in Haifa and its environs, where rocket fire has so far wounded several people but killed none. Hundreds have been killed in Israeli strikes on Hezbollah in Lebanon, according to Lebanese media reports. As thousands flee Lebanese cities, Haifa has seen no significant population movement, the municipality has said.
The story of a family moving into a bomb shelter may be relatable, but it’s unrepresentative and not exactly the wartime tale I was looking for. The search continued amid rocket alarms—and logging my children into video conferences. Schools have largely shut down in northern Israel since Sunday in favor of Zoom learning and the scholastic excellence this method is famous for nurturing.
The escalation has done little to diminish everyday chores and complications. My father in the Netherlands needed help booking a plane ticket to Athens. The first rains in Haifa came with a leak in our roof.
Like Aladi, my wife and I also lack a rocket-proof space in the semi-detached that we bought here shortly after immigrating to Israel from the Netherlands in 2021 with our two children, 7 and 8.
Two of our neighbors have invited us to use the mobile shelters that they’d bought and placed in their yards earlier this year after Hezbollah began firing rockets into Israel in solidarity with Hamas. Their hospitality, typical of how Israelis come together at times of crisis, is heartwarming. But if you, like me, find sharing an elevator awkward, try a small, stuffy shelter at 4 a.m. while wearing slippers and random clothing items.
And so we usually wait out the sirens in a windowless niche that also functions as our home office. We wrestle for the best spot with our 75-pound mutt, who got diarrhea just in time for the escalation. Forbidden from leaving the niche, the kids are easy prey to unwanted parental cuddling.
On Monday, I took my son out with me on a reporting assignment in the Kiryon, one of Israel’s largest and oldest malls, hours after a rocket landed about a mile away, damaging several homes and wounding three people. The place was deserted, but not for lack of interested would-be patrons.
Management had limited the mall’s capacity to 100, leading to long lines at the entrance. Security guards asked the crowd queued up to enter to disperse because congregating in the open was unsafe. “That’s right, so let us into McDonald’s already!” replied one man in Russian-accented Hebrew, prompting chuckles.
This imperviousness to terrorism, which has developed in the north over decades of living in Hezbollah’s crosshairs—including during the 2006 Second Lebanon War—is an important aspect of life here, I thought. But are fast food munchies the kind of valor under fire that I was looking for?
My dad called from the airport in Amsterdam, asking whether I had booked him a suitcase and whether he needed the receipt to check it in.
On Tuesday I made preparations to visit Safed, a northern city that is seeing far more rockets than Haifa. It’s remarkable, I reflected, that I get permission to run around in combat zones from my wife, a secular Jewish woman who was born in Amsterdam and moved with me to my native Israel three years ago on something of a whim.
Having despaired with regard to persuading me to return to the Netherlands with her and the kids for the duration of the war, she has accepted a situation she intensely dislikes and understands only superficially, as an outsider. Waiting out the sirens and loud thuds of inbound rockets that reverberate through the neighborhood, she resumes life’s routines, and her demanding job, with inspiring resilience. But one can’t profile one’s wife in a newspaper article.
Meanwhile, the trip to Safed got postponed. I needed to travel south on Wednesday for the one-year anniversary of the Oct. 7 Hamas onslaught, in which some 1,200 Israelis were killed or murdered and 251 more were abducted, triggering the ongoing regional war that has just escalated in the north.
It’s an important story, but it won’t help me report on how Israelis are faring up north.
I saw that during one siren I had missed a call from my father. He was born in Poland and made aliyah to Israel when he was 10. In the 1990s, he left for the Netherlands. Recently, he returned, settling in Kibbutz Eilon near the border with Lebanon. He had to leave shortly before the escalation because his spouse in Amsterdam got sick.
As in many families, my father, who’s 77, and I often argue over politics. A liberal secularist, he sometimes calls me, a dyed-in-the-wool conservative, a “fascist.” I retaliate as best I can without running afoul of the fifth commandment.
“I’m here, the bald eagle has landed,” texted my father, whose mother was a survivor of Auschwitz and who has fought in three wars as an Israeli soldier. From Athens, he flew to Israel. He’ll be sleeping at the home of his sister, my aunt, in Samaria for a night or two, he said.
Then he intends to travel back to Eilon, which is almost completely vacant but for a handful of reservists guarding it and even fewer stubborn old-timers like my dad. The remainers prefer Eilon’s frequent drone and rocket attacks to the state-funded accommodations they’re offered away from the border. Like the other stayers, my dad is critical of the evacuation of the north, in which some 60,000 moved out of border adjacent communities. He believes it’s a strategic error.
The author’s father, Israel, tends to the petting zoo of evacuated Kibbutz Eilon, Israel in 2023. Courtesy photo
“I’m too old to run,” he said of the prospect of leaving Eilon, “but too young to stay somewhere I don’t really want to be,” he added, referencing Europe. Then he asked me: “How about you? How’s the family, work? Did you find your inspiring wartime hero yet?”
Jewish News Syndicate (JNS) is the fastest-growing news agency covering Israel and the Jewish world. We provide news, briefs, features, opinions and analysis to 100 print newspapers and digital publications on a daily basis.
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Iraqi Resistance drone strike against target in Eilat
Serious damage caused and casualties reported. Second successive successful strike by Iraqi Resistance in two days.
Serious damage caused and casualties reported. Second successive successful strike by Iraqi Resistance in two days.
Source of the excerpts in the screenhots?
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IDF strikes 60 targets belonging to Hezbollah's intelligence directorate
IDF strikes Hezbollah intelligence network, delivering major blow to communications and coordination
By YONAH JEREMY BOBSEPTEMBER 25, 2024 16:00Updated: SEPTEMBER 25, 2024 16:27
The IDF on Wednesday announced that it had bombed Hezbollah's intelligence headquarters network in 60 different spots.
According to the IDF, this will immediately and directly impact Hezbollah's ability to collect intelligence, coordinate intelligence efforts, and its various tools for evaluating the broader battlefield picture.
A map of those areas attacked showed a huge number of targets in southern Lebanon, a few deep into the Bekaa Valley, a few in central Lebanon, and one on the western coast.
The simultaneous attack appeared focused on achieving a moment of shock and confusion across Lebanon.
Given the huge blow to Hezbollah's communications from the beeper and walkie-talkie explosions since the middle of last week, as well as the numerous top commanders killed since Friday of last week, bringing down Hezbollah's intelligence network could leave it substantially blind regarding the developing battlefield.
The future of Hezbollah
This could make it harder for Hezbollah to know what rockets can still be fired versus which have been destroyed, as well as make it harder to defend against a future potential IDF ground invasion.John C Glubb, Fate of Empires and the Search for Survival
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They are talking about the religious extremism... finally.
Worth listening to
They are talking about the religious extremism... finally.
Worth listening to
Solomon2
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'They slaughtered, raped and buried us alive': Syrians praise blows to Hezbollah
Many Syrians still remember atrocities committed by terror group in support of Assad during civil war; 'We would be just as happy if the devil himself killed them, it is the right of all those oppressed by Iran and its militias,' one Syrian remarks
Lior Ben Ari|09.23.24 | 16:11
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The war between Israel and Hezbollah has escalated to a new phase, and in neighboring Syria, there are many who are glad to see the repeated blows the Lebanese terror organization has taken in recent days.
Many Syrians, especially the Sunni population, have not forgotten Hezbollah's brutal role in their country's civil war, where it indiscriminately slaughtered their friends and families.
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Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah, Syrian refugee
As part of the Iranian-Shia so-called "axis of resistance," Hezbollah supported the regime of Syria's Alawite president, Bashar al-Assad, fighting alongside Shia and Alawite forces against the rebels. Fearing the loss of their critical foothold in Syria, Iran and Hezbollah, along with Russia, provided crucial assistance to Assad’s military, which ultimately led to the defeat of the rebels.
Hezbollah is blamed for numerous atrocities during the Syrian conflict. The group deployed forces to various parts of the country, and many of its commanders gained extensive combat experience, which may now be used in its fight against Israel.
In the wake of the recent blows to Hezbollah, the joy in Syria — particularly on social media — has been unmistakable, as those who suffered at the hands of Hezbollah relish its suffering.
Syrian journalist Hadi al-Abdallah posted a video on X explaining why some Syrians oppose Hezbollah, consider its members terrorist, and celebrate each Israeli strike against the group. In a video he shared on Thursday, he emphasized that it doesn’t matter who attacks Hezbollah: "Even if the devil himself came and killed Hezbollah’s thugs, we’d be just as happy."
Beirut, Lebanon
(Photo: AFP)
In the seven-minute clip, Abdallah shows footage from Hezbollah’s operations in Syria, recounting the group’s cruelty. As he presented one video, he said: "This footage shows Hezbollah fighters attacking the city of Zabadani in Syria’s Qalamoun region. Blind hatred. They attacked civilian homes and everyone in them—women, children, the elderly. All that mattered to them was that they were killing."
Saudi Arabia’s Al Arabiya network also published a video highlighting the celebratory reactions in Syria after last week’s explosions targeting Hezbollah communication devices in Lebanon. In one scene, a man is shown handing out sweets, saying, "This is to mark the deaths of some, or many, of Iran’s party members in Lebanon (Hezbollah)."
Another clip features a man saying, "The pagers exploded. What great news. We Syrians aren’t used to hearing such good news." The video also included reactions from Syrian users on X, many of whom oppose Hezbollah.
One user wrote, "My problem with Hezbollah is that they killed my brother and my cousins. They killed our neighbor's daughter, a baby less than a year old, while she was in her mother’s arms. They killed my people in Madaya. My problem with Hezbollah is that they destroyed my country."
Thousands of pagers belonging to Hezbollah operatives exploded simultaneously last week
Another Syrian user added, "Hezbollah participated in the killing of the Syrian people in the worst ways, including sieges and starvation. All the free people and those oppressed by Iran and its militias have the right to rejoice today."
Al Arabiya emphasized that Syrians described the pager explosions — one of the most significant blows to Hezbollah in its history — as "punishment for Hezbollah’s killing of children and raping of women."
Syrian journalist Qutaiba Yassin also shared his analysis of the events on X last Saturday, writing, "All three forces responsible for harming Syrians — Russia, Iran and Hezbollah — have fallen into a trap." He added, "Hezbollah today will never be the same. Hezbollah is now at the beginning of its end."
On Friday evening, as Hezbollah began releasing the names of its fighters killed in recent Israeli strikes and the targeted assassinations of senior Radwan Force commanders in Beirut's Dahieh, Syrians were quick to react to the official announcement of the death of a terrorist named Hussein Ali Ghandour. Various posts on X surfaced about Ghandour, who, according to a video published by Saudi network Al Hadath, was known as the "Butcher of Madaya" in Syria — responsible for starving Syrians and burying them alive.
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