India - Pakistan conflict analysis - aims, tactics, strategy, results

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Indian 1 Corps was raised in April - May 1965 as a spare HQ, with its Commander P O Dunn junior to Sparrow who was commanding 1 Armored Division under him. Initially there were no troops under command HQ 1 Corps.
He was actually recalled from leave preparatory to retirement! Why this formation was felt necessary, and why this Corps Commander was dragged out of seclusion, will remain a mystery.

The mandate given by GOC WC to GOC 1 Corps was..
Advance along axis Pathankot-Samba, EITHER towards Jammu or Daska to relieve Jammu...
OR establish bridgehead on Ravi in Dera Baba Nanak area, and then advance till MRLC.
It seems that the parallel (and most irregular) conversation between the COAS and the Corps Commander, eliminating the Army Commander (GOC-in-C Wn. C.) quite early on decided on one of these alternatives and went strong on it.

This unfortunate short-circuiting continued throughout the very brief prelude to hostilities. Fortunately so; it is uncomfortable to think of what might have happened given more time for these interpersonal dynamics to play out.

Overall final plan was for 6 Mountain and 14 Infantry Divisions to secure a lodgement from which 1 Armored Division will breakout. 26 and 14 Infantry Divisions were to protect the flanks of 1 Armored Division by pushing towards Sialkot and Zafarwal respectively.
I thought, after reading again, that establishing the bridgehead - securing a lodgement - was done quite efficiently. The next part didn't quite go off, and I'd like to know your assessment of why. One reason could be the September time-frame and the state of bad roads, but there must be other reasons, which is where I do not have the boldness to go.

- Absence of Brigade HQs between Div HQ and units
- Absence of Div artillery HQ
-absence of Col Staff
-each armored regiment had one squadron of obsolete M36B2 tank busters.
-Armored Infantry units had no APCs, only trucks.
-15 RRs per unit instead of 27 RRs.
-Ineffective signal comm eqpt
-6 Armored Division was actually to undergo a test exercise in Oct 1965 to gel some cohesion due to the hasty raising, but the war came first.
Click to expand...
That is a bit stunning to read, but points to a conclusion that both sides were ill-prepared, that another six months would have done both armies a world of good.

MAYBE placing Dunn in charge of I Corps was a prelude to pushing up Rajinder Singh after Dunn's retirement very soon afterwards.

As usual , IAF again failed to play any role in furthering the operations of IA 1 Corps.
THIS needs a separate thread!

Chavan in his diary is so pleased with Arjan Singh. The government is pleased with Arjan Singh and gives him the 5 star rank (after retirement).

Why?

IA 14 Division also missed a golden opportunity to capture Zafarwal keeping in view of paucity of troops on PA side initially.
Again, to paraphrase, snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. There was nothing (almost) facing 14 Division. What slowed them down?
 
I thought, after reading again, that establishing the bridgehead - securing a lodgement - was done quite efficiently. The next part didn't quite go off, and I'd like to know your assessment of why. One reason could be the September time-frame and the state of bad roads, but there must be other reasons, which is where I do not have the boldness to go.
Yes you are right. The lodgement operation went well.

For 1 AD, two routes were choosen.
43 Lorried Brigade was to advance along Green route towards Bhagowal. 1 Armored Brigade was to advance on Red route towards Phillaurah.

Problem here was that for 1 AD, there was no alternative apart from these two routes ONLY.

43 Lorried Brigade was the first to bog down due to single track limitation and mud due to rain.

Moreover, the left flank of 1 Armored Brigade was left unprotected since 62 Cav, which was supposed to protect it, was lacking aggressiveness and was facing broken ground as well. PA 13 FF, which was an R&S unit equipped with 106 RRs, duly exploited this gap and destroyed SP guns which were moving behind the lead armor regiments of 1 Armored Brigade. 1 AB, thinking of being attacked by PA armor from the rear, stopped and then withdrew towards Sabzpir.

After Philaurah, 1 AD was given two days break. This time, 1 Armored Division tried to outflank PA defences from the west, however, they bumped into the 4 Corps Artillery gun areas, where PA artillery engaged them with open sights. This, along with counter attacks by PA armor, repulsed 1 AD attack.
1 AD tried the same thing again on 16 Sep, again was engaged by artillery and tanks, but this time, it was pulled out for good, around 20 Sep.

Again, to paraphrase, snatching defeat from the jaws of victory
We have already discussed this aspect, we know both armies did this in 65 and 71.
 
GENERAL AKHTER HUSSAIN MALIK LETTER TO GENERAL ABDUL ALI MALIK

My Dear brother,
I hope you and the family are very well. Thank you for your letter of 14 Oct. 67. The answers to your questions are as follows:
a. The de facto command changed the very first day of the ops [operations] after the fall of Chamb when Azmat Hayat broke off wireless communications with me. I personally tried to find his HQ [headquarters] by chopper and failed. In late afternoon I sent Gulzar and Vahid, my MP [military police] officers, to try and locate him, but they too failed. The next day I tore into him and he sheepishly and nervously informed me that he was ‘Yahya’s brigadier’. I had no doubt left that Yahya had reached him the previous day and instructed him not to take further orders from me, while the formal change in command had yet to take place. This was a betrayal of many dimensions.
b. I reasoned and then pleaded with Yahya that if it was credit he was looking for, he should take the overall command but let me go up to Akhnur as his subordinate, but he refused. He went a step further and even changed the plan. He kept banging his head against Troti, letting the Indian fall back to Akhnur. We lost the initiative on the very first day of the war and never recovered it. Eventually it was the desperate stand at Chawinda that prevented the Indians from cutting through.
c. At no time was I assigned any reason for being removed from command by Ayub, Musa or Yahya. They were all sheepish at best. I think the reasons will be given when I am no more.
d. Not informing pro-Pak Kashmiri elements before launching Gibraltar was a command decision and it was mine. The aim of the op was to de freeze the Kashmir issue, raise it from its moribund state, and bring it to the notice of the world. To achieve this aim the first phase of the op was vital, that is, to effect undetected infiltration of thousands across the CFL [cease-fire line]. I was not willing to compromise this in any event. And the whole op could be made stillborn by just one double agent.
e. Haji Pir [Pass] did not cause me much anxiety. Because [the] impending Grand Slam Indian concentration in Haji Pir could only help us after Akhnur, and they would have to pull out troops from there to counter the new threats and surrender their gains, and maybe more, in the process. Actually it was only after the fall of Akhnur that we would have encashed the full value of Gibraltar, but that was not to be!
f. Bhutto kept insisting that his sources had assured him that India would not attack if we did not violate the international border. I however was certain that Gibraltar would lead to war and told GHQ so. I needed no op intelligence to come to this conclusion. It was simple common sense. If I got you by the throat, it would be silly for me to expect that you will kiss me for it. Because I was certain that war would follow, my first choice as objective for Grand Slam was Jammu. From there we could have exploited our success either toward Samba or Kashmir proper as the situation demanded. In any case whether it was Jammu or Akhnur, if we had taken the objective, I do not see how the Indians could have attacked Sialkot before clearing out either of these towns.
g. I have given serious consideration to writing a book, but given up the idea. The book would be the truth. And truth and the popular reaction to it would be good for my ego. But in the long run it would be an unpatriotic act. It will destroy the morale of the army, lower its prestige among the people, be banned in Pakistan, and become a textbook for the Indians. I have little doubt that the Indians will never forgive us the slight of 65 and will avenge it at the first opportunity. I am certain they will hit us in E. Pak [East Pakistan] and we will need all we have to save the situation. The first day of Grand Slam will be fateful in many ways. The worst has still to come and we have to prepare for it. The book is therefore out.
I hope this gives you the gist of what you needed to know. And yes, Ayub was fully involved in the enterprise. As a matter of fact it was his idea. And it was he who ordered me to by-pass Musa while Gibraltar etc. was being planned. I was dealing more with him and Sher Bahadur than with the C-in-C. It is tragic that despite having a good military mind, the FM’s [Foreign Minister Z.A. Bhutto’s] heart was prone to give way. The biggest tragedy is that in this instance it gave way before the eruption of a crisis. Or were they already celebrating a final victory!!
In case you need a more exact description of events, I will need war diaries and maps, which you could send me through the diplomatic bag.
Please remember me to all the family.
Yours,
Akhtar Hussain Malik
 
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Lets try to revive this old thread.

I remember reading this letter before and one of the first questions that came to my mind was did we succeed in bringing the Kashmir issue out of the freeze? i am guessing the international light to Kashmir issue was meant to be UN Resolutions and Super Power pressure for plebiscite. So did that materialize? If we look at the resolutions then it would seem that it did not materialize at all.

Some of the best UN resolutions that carried the favorable position for Pakistan were the resolutions in the 1950s and i would guess that the non-freezing of the issue was, the coming of such Resolutions. Let me add to that.

In 1950 the council Passed Resolution 80 which was a marked shift from Resolution 47 since contrary to 47, Resolution 80 called for mutual demilitarization of Kashmir and withdrawl of the armed forces by Pakistan and India, it called upon local authority to govern the three regions, Gilgit Baltistan, Azad Kashmir and the State of Kashmir which meant that the Resolution gave a form of defacto credence to the Azad government and ofcourse to the Azad forces which were equated with the State of Kashmir forces.

The all important Mcnaughton report and his solutions were made part of the Kashmir resolution. Then in 1952 we had Resolution 98 which again gave credence and recognition to the Azad forces since the number of troops by both Pakistani, Indian, Azad forces and State of Kashmir were decided. Post them the 1957 Resolutions called for restraint by both parties.

So an unfreezing would be the above and its implementation, disregarding any opposition. However the 1965 resolutions were Ceasefire resolutions in relation to Kashmir. Ofcourse discussions were held in the UN but starting a war and sending in military men and risking a war for a few words is not equitable exchange. Equitable exchange on the minimum would have been atleast a Resolution in line with the Resolution 80 or 98 or some form of absolute pressure.

The reason why i am saying this is because in war we study military objects and how those objects were achieved and how and why those objectives failed and while we study every aspect from Gibraltar, grandslam, Khem Karan, Lahore, sialkot, Haji pir Pass, Akhnur dagger, however we ignore this war objective and it was a war objective which was to bring the Kashmir issue in the scope of the world. Why and how did that objective fail and whether it failed or not? This question is ignored and i think the reason is that it is seen as a last saving grace where it is stated that " look atleast we got this objective." However lack of concrete resolution makes one wonder whether it was this objective where we witnessed our greatest failure or not. From 1965 November Resolution 126 was the last one and it spoke only of ceasefire and then the next resolution was in 1971 concerning December 1971.

From the political non-freezing front, what did we gain and if this was the central objective then what did we hope to gain and what did that gain look like? Initiating a conflict is such a big thing that the result should have been greater than the Resolution 80.

Adding to the Previous post, the political objective of internationalizing Kashmir didnt happen and along with that we witnessed that Pakistan's own stock in the International world plummeted since the US denied military exports to both countries and this embargo hit Pakistan the hardest since it was reliant on military equipment whereas we witnessed how in the Iran and Iraq war, the US helped Iraq everywhere it could.

So if we compare these two situations. The Resolution 80 and the non-existence of another of its kind post 1965 and the US support where for Pakistan it created an embargo but in Iraq Iran war, it supported Iran as much as it could which means that in terms of political goals of Internationalizing Kashmir and gaining International support, Pakistan failed in both objectives. So what was the reason for such a failure.

A major reason were the following.

1. Political objectives do become part of the war effort. That is natural like General Lee in the American Civil War where he counted on the political defeat of lincoln as a means for an end to the war effort of northern america. However this case was different because here Political objective was not becoming part of the war effort but war effort was becoming part of the political object. This meant that the political side of things was extremely effort and the entire skirmishes and battles would be centered around the political concept. The political objects werent just the internationalizing of Kashmir or the world support after but also internal political dynamics that were part of this as well. A victory would allow Ayub Khan more security and more power and would see the Democratic Restoration Movement die out which werent just happening in Pakistan but also in Azad Kashmir and coming to Azad Kashmir, by 1965 there were protests for the implementation of a proper governance system and a victory in concern of Kashmir would have given Ayub Khan a strong excuse when dealing with Ghulam Abbas, Sardar Ibrahim, Abdul Qayyum, Khurshid and amanullah. All of them especially the last name as Amanullah and his Plebiscite party was creating a very disturbing situation in Azad Kashmir. A victory in the Kashmir cause would allow Ayub Khan to not only stand as a titan infront of these politicians but would have also allowed him to garner more central power of Azad Kashmir as hero of Kashmir. Akhtar Malik may not know this but Ayub needed that victory to be his and his alone because All of those names had huge prestige behind them and they were all respected in Kashmir. Ayub needed something of the same stature to stand against them.
By focusing on political objectives, the war effort did not receive the necessary time and strategic planning that would have taken into account all the factors like the most important one that whether this action would lead to war and if it did, would India open another front? You are starting a major operation with the thought that this is done to internationalize Kashmir, then you are going to struggle when things get out of hand.

2. Whether Political or military, an objective of the war must be achieved and for its achievement, all planning and resources must be spent and all scenarios must be taken into account. Pakistan leadership did not take into account how far Is India willing to go which was quite odd considering that in 1962, India displayed that it was willing to enter into military solutions against military attacks. Yet even with that, we witness that the strategic thinking was simply not given its due share and the objectives were based on the best case scenario rather than the worst case scenario. The political objective of internationalization was also not given its due share of thinking like what happens when the world does not focus on the flashpoint but on those that are making it a flashpoint. Pakistan wanted to display initially that look, people are fighting the Indian army and are capturing areas and the situation is getting worse and when it would reach its apex either the UN would intervene or Pakistan would intervene militarily like it did in 1948. This was gibraltar however this was absolutely the best case scenario. Worst case scenario was that the infiltration effort would fail and the world would start to condemn Pakistan as aggressive and India would retaliate strongly. Basically that is what happened. Where was the solution for this. Why wasnt this analyzed? what was the counter plan in the UN? There was none and Bhutto played a very leading role in this.

3. The US support was dwindling by mid 1960s and was not at the level of 1950s which we saw with Pakistan trying to shift from the US influence when it condemned the Us actions in Vietnam and when Pakistan started to have greater relations with China which irked the US greatly especially the Sino-Pak Treaty 1963 and although they never condemned the treaty, they were not pleased that Pakistan had hatched out a dispute resolution. By 1965 the relations were sour between the two countries and here is the thing, In bhutto's book myth of independence, we see bhutto write on this topic on how the US wanted Pakistan to lend credence to the US war effort since it was getting no support and there was diplomatic pressure on Pakistan, so here we witness one of the worst case scenarios already taking place that the strategic ally was angry and i think because of that, US also canceled a state visit to Pakistan. So when this was happening, how could we count on the US support in our war effort. By the end of 1950s, we witness that the US was getting closer and closer to India since India offered a concrete ground to contain China. By mid 1960s it was abundantly cleat that the US relations with Pakistan and India were not like their Relations with both the nations in the 1950s. So expecting Us support as a political objective would be similar to having annexation of Calcutta and Delhi as the 1965 military objective. It was that impossible and the exact same thing happened. Pakistan, which had used alot of its ammunition and was not exactly home to huge reserves of equipment, found itself in a military embargo by its largest military importer. India on the other hand had the USSR


4. Now we come to resolutions. When the war effort began i.e gibraltar, did Pakistan file for any UN meeting or try to present any resolution or did anything beforehand to make sure the wheels would immediately turn the moment gibraltar began? No it had not. Pakistan had done little diplomatic homework in order to make sure the operation remained as much a secret as possible and due to this alot of the wheels that turned were left to their own devices for turning rather than being egged on by the prepared homework. Ideally the moment gibralter began, three days later the nations, under diplomatic influence should have presented resolutions and condemnations to India and the US making hostile statements and the UN floor echoing with Kashmir. There was no foreign policy homework. Military objectives require military preparation like if you annex to amritsar then the army would be creating corps and divisions for attacking and defending and holding, buying ammunition and equipment and vehicles for transport, paramilitary to be trained for hostile occupied regions. Military objective would see military preparation and just like that political objectives would see political preparation. The german empire happily allowed Lenin to send his papers and writing to Russia so that the Russian empire would become occupied with internal dissent. That is a semblance of political preparation. We seemed to have done nothing but the idle promises of Bhutto and the result was that the military objectives did not witness that much of a failure than the political ones did. They flat out failed and they were the ones that needed the most preparation.

and with that i hope @Panzerkiel and @Joe Shearer would start the 1971 war. Joe dont dilly dally :P :P
 
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This Thread is a brilliant archive of conflicts between Pakistan and India and the analysis even more so however i think we have missed out on the Rann of Kutch Conflict and for this let me make up to the best of my limited ability and knowledge. I am no military man nor it is my career choice so forgive any mistakes i may have made unknowingly. I have tried to compile as much information of this event as i could,

The conflict had two major battles. Battle of Sardar Post and Battle of Bets. Today we will talk about Battle of Sardar Post and take the magnifying glass to this conflict and its battles. First of all, Whilst we must avoid the sensitivity of politics, we cannot and should not avoid the history of diplomacy and the recorded events that took place. This is important to understand that we cannot look at conflicts, especially indo-pak conflicts without giving homage some levels of diplomacy. So we must talk about internal affairs, history, diplomacy and international relations (this is especially true when in our calculations, US and International pressure plays an important role).


Rann of Kutch Conflict
Battle Of Sardar Post
By
Usman Khan Yousafzai aka Saiyan0321


The history of conflicts between Pakistan and India has been a hotly documented affair with both sides providing their versions of the story and both sides making sure that solely their narrative survives the test of time. In the list of conflicts, the Rann of Kutch conflict often takes a backseat due to the subsequent events of 1965 however what most military historians fail to understand that this conflict created the domino effect that led to the 1965 conflict as the result of the conflict provided Pakistan army with a victory that would make the army overconfident of its prowess whereas India discovered the chinks in its armor and looked to bring appropriate changes to it. The confrontation was not something of a ‘spur of a moment as is often believed. In fact records from both sides hold that they were well aware of a flashpoint developing and there were diplomatic and military exchanges beforehand. The conflict contained small versions of blunders and tactics that would become the hallmark of the two armies and would be displayed in the 1965 conflict. This, often ignored conflict, thus deserves proper study and this is what this article looks to do. It would be impossible to record all of the happenings within just one article and nor would it do justice. This article shall be divided into four separate pieces. The first shall contain the events leading to the conflict. Second shall include the Battle of Sardar Post the first engagement on Rann. The third article shall contain the Battle of bets where the most fighting happened and the last article shall contain the subsequent result, military results, and impacts along with the diplomatic solution. With that said let us first understand the history of the conflict.

For centuries there has been a dispute between the rulers of Sindh and Kutch about the territory of Rann, an area composed of salt marsh with little to no resource with only coarse grass to show. The region was home to wild asses, gazelles and seasonal grazing livestock. The geography of the region was composed of flatlands with only small elevated hills called ‘Bets’ ranging from a few yards to several mile-long elevations. It remained largely dry except for the monsoon season when the area would be submerged and the ‘bets’ would become islands. The state of Kutch was surrounded in the north by the Great Rann, east by Little Rann, south by the Gulf of Kutch and west by the Arabian Sea. The Raos of Kutch always desired of annexing the region to their small state and in 1904 Maharaja Rao Khenjraji pressed on the claim over Rann but he died in 1908 and in 1924 the state of Kutch acceded to the British Empire and became a Princely State however the claim on Rann remained. The British formed a boundary commission in 1938 but with the beginning of the world war, the commission was abandoned. The region in its entirety, including Kutch, was under the governance of the governor of Sindh. The state of Kutch acceded to India and with that, the age-old dispute arose as India claimed all of Rann whereas Pakistan claimed the northern part of the Great Rann above the 24th Parallel which was above the head of Kori Creek and Lakhpat and crossed Mori Bet and included Dharamsala. Pakistan is recorded to have established some posts in the region but abandoned them in 1953 most likely due to economic factors and the inability of Pakistan to patrol the region. The Pakistani side was patrolled by the Indus Rangers whereas the Indian side was patrolled by the Special Reserve Police (SRP). Since 1947, both sides had looked to solve the dispute peacefully and in the 1950s several diplomatic notes were exchanged detailing the dispute and the claims made by both sides. The terrain itself favored those that held the Bets since the flatland meant that no troop movements could be disguised and the element of surprise was extremely hard to take however if we are to look at logistics and communication then Pakistan held the advantage.

The area of Rann of Kutch can be divided into three major zones. The Great Rann, Kutch, and little Rann. This salt desert, unlike other regions of the Indo-Pak border, remained without any demarcation at the time of the partition. This "...bed of arm of the sea, raised by some natural convulsion above its original level'" was a disputed territory between the States of Sind and Kutch. "But the Rann is now chiefly dry land—a salt. Barren, blinding waste of sand, where only the wild *** can thrive. ...". According to the Imperial Gazetteer of India,

"The area of the (Kutch) state (exclusive of the Rann) is 7,616 square miles. ...The whole territory of Kutch is almost entirely cut off from the continent of India; north by the Great Rann. East by the Little Rann, south of the Gulf of Kutch, and west by the Arabian Sea.”

The Raos of Kutch had long cherished the desire of annexing the Rann to their small state. In 1904. Maharaja Rao KhenjatJi, ruler of Kutch since 1876, laid claims on the Rann but he died in 1908 with his dream of annexation unfulfilled.' In 1924. The State of Kutch acceded to British India and consequent to the territorial adjustments for administration. The control of the Rann passed to the Governor of Sind. The question of demarcation of boundaries between Sind and Kutch then seemed unimportant, because both now formed part of the British Empire. British acting upon their characteristic policy of 'divide and rule' generated a territorial dispute in the Rann between the Mirs of Sind and the Raos of Bhuj and then kept it dormant or alive as it suited their policy."

In 1938. A survey commission was mutually appointed by the States of Sind and Kutch to resolve the issue but the outbreak of the Second World War precluded the settlement of the dispute. When the war ended the British knew that they could no longer keep their hold over the subcontinent as the hostile population and the dwindling economy along with the international calls for decolonization, the end of the century-long rule finally came to end.

At the time of partition, India laid claim over the whole Rann while Pakistan claimed only the northern part. Consequently, the Sind Police Rangers (later designated Indus Rangers) established posts along the Pakistani side of the Rann and patrolled along a track ten miles south of the Customs Track. In 1953, perhaps for reasons of economy, some of the ranger posts were abandoned and patrolling was discontinued by Pakistan. India lost no time in establishing its claim over the entire territory of the Rann. Despite such the two nations did not look to seek a military solution to the problem and relied on diplomacy. The tactic had worked with Pakistan securing the Indus Water Treaty and also demarcating the border with China through the Sino-Pak Agreement 1963 thus there was a sincere feeling that diplomacy can work here. The region itself was barren apart from shepherds and border patrols from check posts and whenever these border patrols were rarely challenged. In MAP 1 it can be seen how the great Rann, where the conflict takes place, is flat saline land.

Cubit and Montfort (1991) defined Rann of Kachchh as "a desolate area of unrelieved, sun-baked saline clay desert, shimmering with the images of a perpetual mirage". The monotonous flatness, salinity, and unusual inundation have rendered the Rann as a place of mysterious ground. This flatness of the region made sure that surprise would be very difficult to accomplish in any military engagement and large-scale buildups could be noticed by a keen eye and responsible le scouting and intelligence missions.

Pakistan did hold a strong advantage that was denied to the Indian military and that was connectivity. If you would notice that in MAP 2, you would see that the Indian region of Kutch, Great Rann and Little Rann, is largely a desert and has little connectivity whereas the Pakistani region is home to multiple connected roads and railways especially to major cities such as Hyderabad, Umerkot and Sukkur. The railway and road link with Badin allows for quick reinforcements to be sent in no time in contrast to India where the reinforcement would have to be gathered in Bhuj before they could be sent forward. Pakistan was also blessed with a long road that connected Badin to Kadhan to Rahim ka Bazar and Diplo in case a retreat was in order. In fact if I were to go in more detail it would be that the railway connection at Badin was only 26 miles north of the Indian claim line and only 113 miles east of Karachi, where Pakistan's 8 Division was based. There was also a bridge over the river Indus at the Pakistani city of Hyderabad, north of Badin, which meant by way of a ferry crossing Pakistan could quietly and easily move troops from Badin along the Kutch border while other routes would allow for deployment southward into the disputed area. The approaches to the Rann of Kutch from the Indian side were much more difficult than those from Pakistan, as the nearest Indian regular military formation was the 3 Infantry Brigade which was stationed in Ahmedabad, 180 miles east of the railway station at a small town located in the Rann but 110 miles from the disputed border. There was a road from Bhuj to the town of Khavda, approximately 44 miles away from Bhuj, and although Khavda was closer to the Rann/Sindh border, the road from Bhuj was almost impassable in the monsoon season. The road and rail links from India into the Rann, therefore, followed long routes and India's military posts inside Kutch were dependent on vulnerable lines of communication and supplies. Logistics were with Pakistan in this conflict and it would be seen as the conflict would begin

Pakistan held a railway connection to Badin only 26 miles north of the disputed line and only 113 miles away from Karachi where the 8th division was based. There was also a bridge on the Indus River in Hyderabad which meant that while there was a 186-mile long railway link from Karachi to Rann, there existed a shorter land route of 130 miles. Badin was forward well connected to Khadhan and Rahim ka Bazar which was along the Custom Track where patrolling was done. India on the other hand was disadvantaged with connectivity due to the large desert terrain. The 31st Infantry Brigade was located in Dhangadhra and Ahmedabad which was 180 miles east of the railway station at Bhuj, located 110 miles from the border. From there was the road to Khavda 44 miles away and while it was closer to the dispute, the road between Khavda and Bhuj would be submerged during monsoon season. The 31st Infantry included the 1st Mahar, the 2nd Sikh Light Infantry and the 17th Rajputana Rifles. With this, we can understand the terrain and the advantages held by both sides. By 1964 a flashpoint was starting to emerge as diplomatic measures were failing. On 12th May 1964, an Indian patrol arrested 3 Pakistani Nationals near the abandoned Kanjarkot fort, a strategic location that connected to areas like Rahim Ka Bazar, Mara, Ding, and Sutiar along the road. India claimed the fort as a territory 1500 yards south of their claim line whereas Pakistan saw it 300 meters above the disputed border. The three nationals were returned on the basis that they had strayed there. This incident displays two very important things. That the treatment of the nationals was different as to their treatment on the Ceasefire Line which displays that there was a concentrated effort by both sides to solve this diplomatically and its recording which shows that this was a rare incident and its happening was a display of the deteriorating situation.

On 25th January 1965, the SRP noticed a fresh track to Kanjarkot fort which linked to Ding and Sutiar with Ding 4 miles northwest of Kanjarkot fort and Sutiar 11 miles west. The Indian side responded vigorously with the district magistrate sent to inspect the region and the SRP was ordered to patrol even more vigorously. Pakistan was not blind to what they saw as an incursion to their side and on 30th January an Indian patrol was challenged by the Rangers. On 3rd February the same happened and India launched a diplomatic protest and on 5th February the Indian patrol consisting of four jeeps, 2 of SRP and 2 of regular units was met by a large contingent of Indus Rangers and after a heated exchange, the Indian patrol returned to their post at Chad Bet. The Pakistani commander of the Rangers was assured that Kanjarkot fort would be a flashpoint and the Indian patrols needed to be held back. He cordoned off the fort and when this was discovered by the Indian patrol, a diplomatic note was sent on 12th February where India protested the action.

A meeting was held between Deputy Inspector General Ranjkot Range and Lieutenant Colonel Aftab Ali of the Indus Rangers on 15th February. Both sides claimed the fort as both claimed the area around the fort as their own and showed evidences of patrols thus the meeting brought no solution. The problem was that due to the history of the border, there was no proper demarcation and both sides used the local ground rules to try to decide a working boundary. Both sides claimed that they had patrolled the area for years and held regular patrols in the surrounding area and the Kanjarkot fort thus ensuring defector rule. Pakistan claimed that it had always patrolled the Ding-Surai Track and India claimed that even before Pakistan moved, India would always patrol the area however in the notes, neither side claimed the date of the patrols nor when they began nor could they bring forth any evidence that would give proper dates and tracks of the patrol and if both sides were telling the truth, then it is very interesting that neither side encountered each other in all these years and their encounters only happened when they started to show exact dates of patrols On 18th February another note was sent and on 19th February the same was reiterated by the Indian High commissioner to Bhutto.

General Tikka Khan, who was the GOC of the 8th division, ordered the Rangers to Occupy the fort before the SRP could and this was done on 22nd February.

India countered by reinforcing Chad Bet and established a strong presence, posts and supplies at Suigam, Bela, Vigiokot Karim Shahi and a place that would be called Sardar Post.

KC Paravel

“India countered the move by reinforcing Chad Bet and established strong police posts at Suigam, Bela, Vigiokot, Karim Shahi and a place that would be known as Sardar post. At the same time, the 31st light infantry brigade, consisting of 17th Rajputana Rifles, 2bd Sikh Light Infantry and 1st Mahar, was ordered to move from Dhrangadhra to Bhuj. The brigade’s task was to prevent any major thrust from Pakistan, it was not to establish any posts on the border.”

The Indian GHQ authorized Operation Kabbadi, which was meant to remove the Pakistani presence from Kanjarkot fort but by now the fort was heavily fortified and the Pakistan I presence of the 51st Brigade, comprising of three battalions of which 2 of those, 18th Punjab and 6th Baluch were located at Malir and 8th FF (Frontier Force) was at Hyderabad. The 31st Brigade of the Indian army was led by S.M. Pahalajani and this brigade was tasked to take the fort and in case of any thrust, move even across the international border however no action of such was taken nor any offensive against the fort mounted. The patrolling did get more aggressive and it seemed the situation was escalating. The most interesting thing to notice is that the Pakistani record of 22nd February as the date of occupation whereas the Indian diplomatic notes place occupation before it. It is most likely that the previous occupation was largely done by small groups of rangers who would challenge Indian patrols causing incidents and on 22nd February the area was taken with full force and reinforced. Either way, if Pakistan denied presence before, it could no longer do so now.

The 31st Brigade was told to move to Bhuj to counter any Pakistani offensive and the 51st Brigade of the 8th Division of Pakistan took control of the Indus rangers with the express commands to

“Ensure strict vigilance and have the Indus Rangers patrol the area extensively, Establish close liaison with the Rangers and the HQ of 8th Division and support the Indus Rangers in their operations with the avoidance of provocation and maintenance of the Status Quo.”

Brigadier Azhar, commander of 51st brigade visited the region and in March, established HQ at Badin and placed two formations in Malir on 4-hour notice. During this period, the Indian positions remained on the defensive and while defenses were beefed up, there was no evidence that the Indian army was actively taking control or attempting to implement the orders of Operation Kabbadi which resolved around retaking the Fort and removing the Pakistani Presence from the sector.

Kanjarkot was an official hotspot and both sides looked ready for a conflict. The situation was upped again by the Gujarat Home minister who gave the Indian version of events and stated that

“India was ready to accept the challenge if the situation worsened.”

On 1st March Pakistan sent a note to India stating that the area around Kanjarkot had been the de facto region of Pakistan since 1947 and rejected Indian request for the meeting of the two Surveyor-Generals on the grounds that the matter of the border was a political discussion between two governments. Pakistan asserted that it only patrolled the region and had not occupied which was in stark contrast to the orders of General Tikka and the ground situation. Considering the operation Kabbadi from the Indian GHQ, it is safe to say that Pakistan had occupied the fort before 22nd February and had fortified it on 22nd February. The lack of Indian military action gives credence to this fact. On 4th March the Indian foreign Minister, Swaran Singh, held a press conference where he stated that Pakistan had never been in control of the region of kanjarkot and the Rann of Kutch was a disputed area whose borders had never been demarcated properly. The Pakistani military command started to secure the area by moving the 18th Punjab to Diplo, 8th FF (without the A company) was moved along with a battery of the 14th Field Regiment to Kadhan.

Company A of 8th FF and a troop of 120 mm Mortars numbering a total of six were moved to Rahim Ka Bazar. 6th Baluch remained in Malir. The seriousness of the situation can be assessed with the fact that the 6th Baluch were ordered to move to East Pakistan but that order was canceled and they were told to stay at Malir and provide support and the brigade was later moved to Hyderabad. The 6th Baluch were to reconnoiter the routes to Khokhropar and Umerkot. 18th Punjab was ordered to cover Vingi and Jat Trai and provide support to the Indus Rangers and the Frontlines. The 51st Brigade now had full control of the region and did aggressive patrolling. The Indian Patrols were now challenged at every step but India was not willing to sit still and lose the initiative. The newly fortified and constructed posts gave India a good starting point to harass the Pakistani Patrols as well.



To better understand, it would be prudent to peruse Map 2&3. In this map, we can clearly see that the Indian position was not as dire as it may look. In fact, India was well poised to strike KanjarKot the moment more reinforcements arrived. Sardar Post overlooked KanjarKot and threatened the flank of the fort whereas India had occupied and strengthened all the positions in front of KanjarKot Fort, threatening the Track and the lines to the fort all the way from Chad Bet. It was becoming clear to the HQ at Badin that if the Indian Army launched an attack along Vingi, Jat Trai and Rahim ka Bazar, then the Fort would find itself in an untenable position of having to defend itself from the Sardar Post and the offensive from Vigiokot. In such an event the fort may fall endangering Rahim Ka Bazar, Mara and Ding and would force the Pakistani Army to fall back to defend the Mara, Rahim, Saro and Diplo line, losing quite a lot of the initiative. It was becoming clear that for this line of Vingi, Jat Trai and KanjarKot to be secure, Sardar Post had to fall which would not only allow the Flank to be secure but also secure the entire line, creating it the perfect first-line defense for Rahim Ka Bazar. As long as the post existed, the first line was always in threat. This was tripled when the Indian forces, Outflanking Pakistan, established a Post at Ding on 5th April and set up Shalimar Post in front of KanjarKot Fort. With the Ding post, the danger to the fort quadrupled and any counter-attack could be pre-empted. The first line for the defense of Rahim Ka Bazar was in danger and Ding post endangered Mara and Ding itself and the fort was in great danger. Over here we can see that now the Indian forces in the area were securing posts and strategic locations to implement the orders of Operation Kabaddi. The Pakistani fortification did indeed place them on the backfoot but by building their advantages, they moved to outflank KanjarKot. Pakistan now had only two options. It could both leave the fort and move back to Rahim Ka Bazaar or it could launch an offensive on the posts and secure the area around KanjarKot Fort to secure the line.

Brigadier Azhar arrived in Badin on 11 March and on 27th March, the Indian High Command started a joint exercise called ARROWHEAD in the Gulf of Kutch where INS Vikrant, several frigates and destroyers along with a brigade group did a joint service exercise. Both sides were ready for any incident of fire for this to become hot.

On 30th March Pakistan sent an aide memoire to India describing the Indian military action as provocative. While these talks were going on India had begun reconnaissance flights over Kutch and had, by its own admission, started to patrol areas that it had never patrolled before and closer to the Pakistani tracks. Although the patrols were well within the Indian area, they were however a violation of Ground Rule 9 that the status quo must be maintained. Pakistan protested very strongly against the new patrols.

There was great pressure among the public and the opposition for India to do something as the response was seen as meek and lackluster and drew criticism with reminders of 1962. Many critics bashed the government stating that in 47 they had lost 1/3rd of Kashmir to Pakistan, In 62 they had lost Aksai Chin to China and in 65 they would lose Kutch to Pakistan. Swaran Singh would argue in the Lok Sabha, when the correlation was highlighted, that all those scenarios were different and it was highly unfair and ridiculous to compare these situations and present them as similar and he went on to explain how the Chinese had built a properly engineered road whereas the Pakistanis had built only a mud track for the passage of trucks. This was not well received as the parliament shouted at the government for incompetency and accused the government of being inefficient and coward and demanded to know why the Indian military was not being properly sent with set objectives.

On 11th March India proposed a meeting at any level acceptable to Pakistan where a solution could be discussed however India did not solely focus on diplomacy and strengthened its hand during this period by making Sardar Post and post at Vigiokot to defend each other. Pakistan would establish posts at Ding as well. India was strengthening its position but there is no evidence to suggest that India believed that this would lead to confrontation with regular army soldiers. Now before we head to the Battle of Sardar Post, let us analyze the criticism levied by the Indian opposition and critics.

The Indian response was not lackluster at all. In fact the criticism was truly unfair since many were reeling from the events of 1947 and 1962 and felt that an India that is not tough will simply lose all its territory. Many saw this as a repeat of the colonial era and the times when invasions would come from the lands west of the Indus but there is a world of difference between tough and warlike and the actions of the government were tough. The opposition demanded them to be warlike hostile. The Indian government did not sit idly by at all. It immediately reinforced old posts, set up new ones, armed the men that were present and held their ground. They did advance patrolling into areas they had not ventured before and where they were challenged, they also challenged any Pakistan patrol that came their way. The call that they should bring the Indian army is also unfair since, as has been established above, the Indian army was sent to the area. It was a proportional response where vigorous patrolling was met with vigorous patrolling and new posts were met with new posts. Pakistan sent its 51st Brigade which took control of the Rangers and India sent the 31st Infantry Brigade which took control of the SRPF and both sides had them stationed on the front lines while they had their forces at the back to stop any thrust from the other side. The Indian response was adequate to the situation and the hostile criticism was unwarranted. They strengthened their position and continued a diplomatic push. This was a tough response and very different from 1962.

On 6th April, the HQ ordered the Brigade to capture Sardar Post, Jungle Post (A post near Sardar Post, securing, reinforcing and supplying it) and Shalimar post which was located in front of the KanjarKot Fort. Doing so would secure the fort and secure the defensive line and with the fall of these positions, the dangerous Ding post would fall by itself or any offensive would be a lot easier. On paper, the plan was very sound and tactically there were no faults since the fall of all three would truly secure KanjarKot Fort and Ding post would have no choice but to either surrender or retreat. If Sardar Post alone fell, then the other posts were not strong enough to hold out.

The attack night was planned to be 7-8th April However, the movement of the battalions to the concentration area was delayed which forced the brigade commander to postpone the attack to the night of 8-9 April. The H hour was fixed at 0100 hours. On 7th April, the HQ ordered Brig. Azhar to take the three posts and for this, an attack plan was formed where the 6th Baluch (Understrength having left a large rear party at the Cantonment numbering no more than 300-400 out of a total 800 battalion) would take the Shalimar post and Company A and B of the 18th Punjab (Strength 100-150 in a company) would attack Camp A and Company D and B of the 8th Frontier Force would Attack Camp B whereas Company A and C of the 8th FF were to be committed wherever the situation demanded. At 0200 hours, the attack would begin.

It must be clarified that the number of troops that participated in this battle are grossly over overestimated with some foreign sources citing 3500-4000 soldiers. This misinformation has largely grown to the thinking that the entire 51st Brigade participated and some have even given numbers to be of 10,000 thinking that the entire 8th division participated. Reality is quite different. The number in a company in Pakistan contains 100-150 troops depending on strength of the Brigade. In this offensive, the 6th Baluch was at battalion strength which would normally contain 700-800 troops but the 6th Baluch had left a large contingent behind at cantonment and were understrength whereas the two companies of the FF force D & B Company had 100-150 men each and the 18th Punjab Company A & B had 100-150 men meaning that the maximum number of participating troops, accounting for the understrength 6th Baluch would be somewhere between 1000-1200.

The enemy at Shalimar Post had a single Company (Strength not mentioned thus presumed to be full) with Jungle Post the same. The Sardar Post had somewhere between a Single Company to 2 Companies according to various sources but one thing is assured that 2 Companies were out on patrol and this is according to Indian Sources. There is little available scholarship on the Battle.

Little before midnight on 8 April, Brigadier Azhar accompanied by Lieutenant Colonel Iqbal Malik, CO 14th Field Regiment arrived in the concentration area. In the meantime, 6th Baluch secured the ground where the two attacking battalions were to form up for the attack. The H hour had to be postponed to 0200 hours because 18th Punjab arrived late in the forming up place and without their artillery observer, Lieutenant Riaz. The officiating commander of 83rd Independent Mortar Battery, Captain Nazar was ordered to accompany 18th Punjab as the artillery observer in the attack. A silent attack began at 0200 hours with two companies each of 18 Punjab and 8 FF heading for Camps A and B respectively. The leading elements of both battalions reached the forward enemy positions covering almost 3000 meters, a considerable distance, for an assault on foot. The surprise was nearly achieved by B Company of 18 Punjab as it was almost on its objective before a lone Indian sentry challenged them.

Lieutenant Farukh Khatlani, commanding B Company 18 Punjab ordered the charge. Amid the confusion that followed, the company overran half of Camp A's positions. Further assault was checked by enemy machine guns from Camp B which was not yet under attack by Company B and D of the 8th FF. The attack was to happen simultaneously since the Sardar Post, itself was divided into three major camps and these camps would make sure to defend each other. The B Camp had the deadly machine guns and behind Camp A and B was Camp C, whose adjacent were the dangerous mortars but the delay meant that an unengaged Camp B was free to fire at Company B of 18th Punjab. The Company was caught in a precarious situation.

As a result, Lieutenant khatlani and his company CO Subedar Mauz Muhammad were both killed. Captain Nazar called for fire on the objective but he too fell, mortally wounded. His signaler,Kifayat Ullah, tried to continue but a bullet knocked out the Wireless set while another killed him. The artillery and the Mortar battery, which was to cover the Companies, could not be used. With the key personnel in the company dead, the attack Of B Company 18th Punjab came to a halt.

The question is where was Company A during this time after all both companies were to attack together at Camp A.

Company A of 18th Punjab under Major Nadir Hussain drifted to their right and instead Of attacking Camp A simultaneously with Company B, arrived opposite Camp B which was the Objective of Company B and D of the 8th FF objective. The leading elements of 8th FF, (B Company on the left and D Company on the right) had also drifted to their right, and as a result, B Company of 8th FF arrived at Camp B, behind A Company of 18th Punjab (Map 5). The Indian positions at Camp B were stronger and the attacking force met stiff resistance.

Even then Somehow, Sardar Karnail Singh, the Indian commander at Sardar Post who had his headquarters at Camp B, surrendered with seventeen of his men. As at Camp A, only half the positions at Camp B were overrun and the depth positions not only held their own but brought to hear effective fire on 18th Punjab troops at Camp A.

Lieutenant Colonel Mumtaz Ali, CO 18 Punjab, realizing that his A Company was on the wrong objective decided to disengage Camp B and ordered it to attack the enemy opposite it at Camp B and swing around behind Camp A and support B Company. This was a costly move since such disengagement brought the Company under fire from Camp B and C and soon the Company found itself pegged and being fired from all sides. In this attempt, Major Nadir and some of his men got wounded and he withdrew his company to allow the enemy to be engaged by his artillery observer. At this stage, CO 18th Punjab ordered D Company to reinforce B Company at Camp A, but they had hardly begun to move forward when enemy mortar fire checked their advance. The offensive had begun in the worst possible fashion. The 8th FF Company B and D had not partaken much and had found itself checked by enemy mortars whereas Company A and B of 18th Punjab had struggled with logistics, finding themselves lost. The mismatch timing meant that the Companies attacked in the worst possible fashion and the 14th field Regiment, Artillery, had been barely used allowing Sardar Post to effectively push back the attack.

At about 1030 hours, with the offensive going nowhere, CO 18th Punjab ordered his forward companies to dig in and hold out until 8th FF had cleared Camps B and C.

The 8th FF’s attack on Camp B was led by Major AHQ Zahid. Commanding B Company on the left and Major Luqman Mahmud commanding D Company on the right. As mentioned above these two companies strayed towards their right whereby only B Company assaulted Camp B (with A Company of 18th Punjab at Camp A). To make things worse, the wireless communication between the battalion and the attacking companies broke down. Since the attack was to be a silent one, wireless silence had been imposed and was to be broken on contact with the enemy. But when this was necessitated, the wireless failed altogether.

At about 0330 hours, CO 8th FF moved forward with A Company to establish contact with the forward companies But A Company's movement was also checked by enemy mortar and machine gun fire from the area of High Ground (Map 5). The attack was being halted. During this period, it was maintained that 2 Companies of Sardar Post had been out patrolling and reinforcement from Vigiokot could arrive if they were alerted. The situation needed to be resolved and resolved right now.

Now during this time, we have to wonder where the 6th Baluch was. Well At about 0430 hours, 6th Baluch reported that it had occupied Shalimar Post, the enemy having withdrawn without any fight and was the only attack point which had been very successful and was free to help the other companies but this had to be done before reinforcement for any reinforcement would stagnate the offensive and allow for the Indian army to come in full force.

Brigadier Azhar decided to use the 6th Baluch for a new offensive. At 0830 Hours, the 6th Baluch was at Ding where they were regrouped. Brig. Azhar ordered them to attack Camp B and C and then attack Camp A with the forward companies to capture Sardar Post and move to remove the Jungle Post with full strength. On paper, this plan looked concrete however it needed to be executed perfectly. Azhar decided to deploy the Battalion along with Company A & C of the 8th FF to cover their understrength. They were to attack Camp C and provide aid for the capture of Camp B. Lt. Riaz, who was to be the Artillery observer for the deployed companies but had failed to reach them, was ordered to be sent with them but he left without a wireless set! Even before the beginning, the offensive would run into trouble.

Lt. Colonel Zaidi. CO 6th Baluch decided to approach his objective from the west. 6 Baluch reached Dhand Nullah at about 1130 hours and on crossing it the battalion came upon open ground. The salty marshes offered either open plain ground or ‘Bets (Elevated mudflats 3-5 feet above ground). The area north of the Custom Track held dunes ranging 40-300 ft in height but the south was open ground making vehicular movement both easy and very dangerous since ‘Bets’ provided unobstructed observation. This meant any movement could be seen on the open ground and could be fired on. The conflict had begun at night but by now, the light of day was full and provided an unobstructed view of all that happened and moved. The second offensive had taken too long and time wasted disadvantaged the offensive.

Lt. Colonel Zaidi ordered Lieutenant Riaz to engage enemy machine guns firing from Sardar Post only to discover that he didn’t have a wireless set. This caused massive confusion and delay as the force stood in open ground in front of enemy machine guns without artillery cover. At 1400 hours, Lieutenant Colonel Zaidi ordered D Company to probe forward and locate the enemy positions. The company had hardly advanced 400 meters when it came under machine gunfire. Lieutenant Riaz engaged the machine guns with artillery at 1430 hours when eventually Second Lieutenant Ahmed Sultan of 14th Field Regiment arrived with a wireless set and joined 6th Baluch but by then any surprise the offensive was to have, was completely removed and the attack was disadvantaged.

Lt. Colonel Zaidi ordered C Company 8th FF to move forward while he moved with his own C Company. Within minutes the troops were subjected to machine gun and mortar fire and the attack ground to a halt. Since their presence in the open ground and their slow attack and late wireless calls had allowed them to utilize all the power of the post to attack the incoming offensive. While the situation was difficult, the offensive was not hopeless. In fact the attacks of the night had weakened the post considerably and neither the patrolling companies had returned nor any reinforcement had arrived. The atmosphere in the post was of desperation and the pinned down Companies could launch another offensive if proper leadership was used. In fact, the most major part was that 14th Field Regiment which had been barely used yet but was their most powerful weapon. If used alone, they could endanger the post and break its defenses. True military skills and leadership are seen when things go south, as offensives become late, surprises and covers blown, it is there we witness true officers. When things go right, every officer looks like Rommel. The situation on the Pakistani end was not dire and all they needed was to use the 14th field Regiment and mount an offensive under their cover and capture the post. Half of Camps A and B had already fallen but alas this was not so.

Not satisfied with the progress of the operation, Brigadier Azhar ordered CO 6th Baluch to suspend further attacks until he reached their position. Having been informed of enemy reinforcements on their way from Vigiokot, he was eager to capture Sardar Post before their arrival. However, Brigadier Azhar was unable to reach the 6th Baluch position and rather than ask them to pursue the attack, he called the offensive off and he reasoned that the prospects of its capture were bleak and enemy reinforcements were on their way. Brigadier Azhar decided to call off the operation and withdraw to a more defensible position. However, the reality was different since the artillery shelling under the directions of Lt. Riaz had forced the enemy to a full retreat where they abandoned all three Camps. The Indians felt themselves stretched and surrounded and felt that neither reinforcement nor the patrols were coming and thus decided to abandon their position and retreat 2 miles south to Vigiokot post. The coveted Sardar Post was within grasp had only one step been taken towards that direction. This was a scene that would repeat itself often when these two armies would clash when neither side knew the other's plight and would make decisions based on assumptions.

Sardar Post, which 51 Brigade had attacked so desperately, remained vacant for some time. The Indians waited and when the Pakistani forces showed no inclination of taking it, they re-occupied it—this time with regular troops. In fact, it was an Indian air WAR OP aircraft which discovered that Sardar Post was unoccupied.

“The AOP which had arrived at Bhuj to take the Brigadier artillery Southern Command to 11th Field Regiment's practice in the Little Rann now came in useful. It new over the Sardar post and saw no sign of the Pakistani movement. A patrol from the leading battalion confirmed that Sardar Post had not been occupied by Pakistani troops. The patrol firmed in at Sardar Post and stayed there until an infantry company relieved it.”

In the words of Major (Retired) Sita Ram John,

"The same afternoon an Indian army contingent was sent to occupy Sardar Post. The contingent was surprised to find that Pakistan had not occupied the post. It was undefended. The Indians reoccupied it."

Following the reoccupation of the Sardar Post, the Indian Army Headquarters took charge of the situation in the Rann of Kutch more earnestly. According to an Indian point of view, "The operations in Kutch were till then being conducted by a static formation: Maharashtra and Gujrat Area, with its headquarters at Bombay." The preparations began for the next encounter that would end the Rann of Kutch Conflict and that would be the famous ‘Battle of Bets’ and it would be this battle that would give Pakistan the confidence in its military to undertake offensives against India. On 9th April India sent a diplomatic protest Note and on 10th April Pakistan replied to the note rejecting Indian allegations, demands for a ceasefire and high political talks. Shastri also took a hardline by stating that India would only talk about border demarcation if Pakistan vacated Kanjarkot Fort and would repeatedly insist on doing so. The 9th April diplomatic Note had contained that request.

Perhaps the best way to analyze the operation would be a later Indian government report into war described this episode with some accuracy when it stated,

“The Brigadier of 51st from Pakistan had handled the operation as ineptly as Brigadier Pahlajani of 31st Infantry Brigade of India.”

Both would be sidelined from the theater. A quick analysis of the entire offensive tells us some very important things.

Artillery, Night and Defense

The Pakistani offensive had 1000-1200 against the Indian 150-300 men, who had positions entrenched as well as Mortars at height. The rule of thumb is that against a defending enemy you attack with a ratio of 1:3 in favor of the offensive army and if there is height then 1:6 in favor of the offensive army. The plains made the numbers even more visible. Pakistan employed the 14th Field Regiment however due to lack of wireless contact the artillery remained ineffective during the offensive until the end when it showed its devastation and highlighted that if used correctly early, then this battle would have been over before the first light as was the original plan. The requirement of the numbers pointed to two important things that in the plains such a large number could be seen and could come under fire immediately thus it needed two major covers. Artillery and the Night. The offensive had to use the artillery efficiently and had to finish before the first light. General Tikka’s orders actually included this important part that the offensive must be completed before first light. The operation would become multiple times dangerous under daylight. Yet the importance of both was not understood and the offensive happened in the worst possible manner.





Communication Break Down

The first moment of the Offensive underwent a major communication breakdown as wireless sets were broken and communication to the HQ and to the 14th Field Regiment was an absolute mess. The attack was to be a silent one to achieve surprise and radio silence is indeed kept when silent attacks happen however here, like in all silent attacks, radio silence was only to be kept till the contact with the enemy however contact with the enemy led to an absolute breakdown in communication as wireless sets were broken, there was no plan for second communication officer, and the Company entered into chaos. The HQ was completely in the dark about how the Company was doing and where the other Companies were. The entire leadership of a Company fell to enemy guns which led to the halting of the offensive. Company A’s plan to aid Company B in Camp A by swirling around also points to lack of communication as the Company A CO had no idea that the Company A leadership was not there and any surrounding movement would require Company A to have prior info and leadership to attack together at Camp A. Company B and D of 8th FF where themselves unaware as to what was happening and the lack of communication displayed a lack of urgency especially on the part of 6th Baluch which had easily completed its objective and could have aided Company A but only communicated the fact that they had won the Post without a fight when the offensive began at 0200 Hours, at 0430 Hours and regrouped at Ding at 0830 Hours, 4 Hours later.



Coordination and Logistics.

Silent attacks circle around coordination and logistics. The Companies were unaware of their position for most of the offensive and this created a lack of coordination. Two companies were to attack Camp A and two were to attack Camp B so that neither Camp could defend the other and would be overwhelmed however the two Companies of 18th Punjab were the only ones that fought hard and achieved success at a level as well but the lack of coordination was open. Company A felt the blow of the entire Post and when Company B came to the fight, Company A had already halted and Company B came alone against the most fortified position of Sardar Post. Company B and D of 8th FF barely did anything and found Company D had found itself checked by mortars. Coordination was absolutely zero and this immediately blunted the offensive. Logistical sense attributed to the Companies veering right and it became worse when Company A tried an impossible maneuver that only saw it enter into the cross fire from Camp B and Camp C. The Mortars, the most dangerous weapon of Sardar Post, remained unchecked. The silent attack was meant to avoid the Mortars and Machine Guns but the failed coordination allowed for the maximum utility of both by the enemy. This was witnessed again when LT. Riaz had forgotten his wireless set and he was an artillery observer. Previously he had forgotten himself causing a delay in the start of the operation and then he had forgotten the wireless set. This meant that by full midday, the artillery was necessary but could not be used immediately.



Delays, Delays, Delays.

As I said that the offensive was best to be fought under the Night sky and daylight was the absolute worst enemy of such an offensive in such geography yet the offensive was delayed an hour due to the absence of the artillery observer and the attacks were delayed as well with Camps being engaged one at a time. The attack by D Company of 8th FF came at a massive delay and was checked immediately since the Post was fully alerted and the battery fully ready to fire at any Company that was in its range. The 6th Baluch took its time in reporting the Post takeover and then took 4 hours to regroup at Ding and then the next delay came with LT. Riaz forgetting his Wireless set as the attack which was to begin at 1400 Hours was delayed and this was when the 6th Baluch was standing in the plains in open sight. The delay in artillery allowed for the Post to shore up for another offensive and immediately checked the advance. Lastly was the delay caused by Brig. Azhar, who felt he had to be there himself and called for a complete halt of the offensive till his arrival yet he failed to get there and the offensive was completely halted in the middle of open ground in broad daylight.







Panic and Nerves

In a battle, things do go wrong. Equipment fails, men cower, weapons jam, all and everything that could go wrong do go wrong however the mark of a strong soldier is how long can he keep his nerve and think with a cool head and not panic. Here we saw the leadership panic immediately. Even before the offensive, the absence of the artillery observer was shocking and then we witnessed how Major Nadir, despite his success panicked at his presence at Camp B and tried to reposition himself to the initially planned position rather than utilize constructive thinking and continue the offensive at Camp B. His unnecessary movement stalled and blunted his own attack which could have been effective with Company B of 8th FF which was behind him. Camp B was the most dangerous position and it was through Camp B that the Mortar positions could also be targeted.

We see the immediate Panic by Brig. Azhar again when he thought the offensive halted and his decisions only made the offensive stall even more. IT was clear that by 1500 Hour, he had lost his nerve and his call for a retreat towards a more defensible position showed his thinking especially when that was the time to continue the offensive. The artillery had finally been used properly and it was the time to lead an attack to see what would happen but his nerves lost and he would undertake a strategy that would be employed by both Pakistan and India in the 1965 conflict and that was to immediately go into the defensive and retreat to defensible positions. This lone decision caused, what could have been a successful offensive to fail horridly.



These battles are important to study because we see mistakes and failures that can teach us many important military lessons. Not all offensive succeed but learning from failure is the most important trait of an army and even today this battle is important as a study because, in this short battle, we can decipher many things that can help us understand the coming Battle of Bets and the 1965 war and this battle would ring the coming of a massive conflict between Pakistan and India but that is a study for another time.

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SOURCES

“History of Indo-Pak War- 1965” By General Mahmud Ahmed

“From Kutch to Tashkent” By Farooq Bajwa

“The Pakistan Army; War of 1965” By Shaukat Riza

“India’s Paratroopers; History of the Parachute Regiment of India” By KC Praval

“The Indo-Pak Clash in the Rann of Kutch” By Major Ahmed Saeed

“The Indo-Pak Conflict of 1965” By Major Sita Ram Johri

“History of the Regiment of Artillery—Indian Army” By Major Generaql DK Palit

“History of Indo-Pak War 1965” Chakravorty B.C History Division, Ministry of Defence, New Delhi,



Maps Sourced from

“History of Indo-Pak War- 1965” By General Mahmud Ahmed


@Joe Shearer @Panzerkiel @Irfan Baloch @SQ8 @arsalan and i dont know who else is interested in this thread. :D
 
How do you see General Akhtar Malik's untimely removal from the command there during the operation Grand slam and PAK Army's internal rift (general Akhtar Malik VS Major General Yahya Khan and Brigadier Azmat Hayat) that slowed us down and ultimately caused our failure to disrupt vital Indian supply route (Akhnor) to up north!

What's your take on it?
If things would have gone according to GOC 12 Division desires, 12 Division would have veered towards Jammu, with 7 Division going towards Naushara.......Kashmir would have been more or less cut off from mainland India, road Jammu-Samba-Kathua interdicted.....

Losses in Jura and Bedori were negligible when compared with gains in Munawar gap by Grandslam..These losses were expected due to bad troops to space ratio in 12 Division...
however, these losses were still within the limited laid down by Pak GHQ.

In the end, IA committed more forces against Jura and Bedori, while having nothing to counter any Pak thrust towards Akhnur...Two IA brigades had already been pulled out of Jammu...so IA was playing almost as per the needs of Gen Akhtar Malik, GOC 12 Division...

In fact, the full value of Gibralter was have been encashed only after capture of Akhnur, once 12 and 7 Division would have veered towards Naushara and Jammu....if this would have happened, there would have been no Operation Nepal by Indian 1 Corps.


After the war, Malik was posted to an advisory commanding position for CENTO in Ankara, Turkey, where he succumbed to injuries sustained in a road accident on 22 August 1969... In the best traditions of conspiracies in our country... Below is the letter he wrote to his brother before he was killed.


GENERAL AKHTER HUSSAIN MALIK LETTER TO GENERAL ABDUL ALI MALIK

My Dear brother,
I hope you and the family are very well. Thank you for your letter of 14 Oct. 67. The answers to your questions are as follows:

a. The de facto command changed the very first day of the ops [operations] after the fall of Chamb when Azmat Hayat broke off wireless communications with me. I personally tried to find his HQ [headquarters] by chopper and failed. In late afternoon I sent Gulzar and Vahid, my MP [military police] officers, to try and locate him, but they too failed. The next day I tore into him and he sheepishly and nervously informed me that he was ‘Yahya’s brigadier’. I had no doubt left that Yahya had reached him the previous day and instructed him not to take further orders from me, while the formal change in command had yet to take place. This was a betrayal of many dimensions.

b. I reasoned and then pleaded with Yahya that if it was credit he was looking for, he should take the overall command but let me go up to Akhnur as his subordinate, but he refused. He went a step further and even changed the plan. He kept banging his head against Troti, letting the Indian fall back to Akhnur. We lost the initiative on the very first day of the war and never recovered it. Eventually it was the desperate stand at Chawinda that prevented the Indians from cutting through.

c. At no time was I assigned any reason for being removed from command by Ayub, Musa or Yahya. They were all sheepish at best. I think the reasons will be given when I am no more.

d. Not informing pro-Pak Kashmiri elements before launching Gibraltar was a command decision and it was mine. The aim of the op was to de freeze the Kashmir issue, raise it from its moribund state, and bring it to the notice of the world. To achieve this aim the first phase of the op was vital, that is, to effect undetected infiltration of thousands across the CFL [cease-fire line]. I was not willing to compromise this in any event. And the whole op could be made stillborn by just one double agent.

e. Haji Pir [Pass] did not cause me much anxiety. Because [the] impending Grand Slam Indian concentration in Haji Pir could only help us after Akhnur, and they would have to pull out troops from there to counter the new threats and surrender their gains, and maybe more, in the process. Actually it was only after the fall of Akhnur that we would have encashed the full value of Gibraltar, but that was not to be!

f. Bhutto kept insisting that his sources had assured him that India would not attack if we did not violate the international border. I however was certain that Gibraltar would lead to war and told GHQ so. I needed no op intelligence to come to this conclusion. It was simple common sense. If I got you by the throat, it would be silly for me to expect that you will kiss me for it. Because I was certain that war would follow, my first choice as objective for Grand Slam was Jammu. From there we could have exploited our success either toward Samba or Kashmir proper as the situation demanded. In any case whether it was Jammu or Akhnur, if we had taken the objective, I do not see how the Indians could have attacked Sialkot before clearing out either of these towns.

g. I have given serious consideration to writing a book, but given up the idea. The book would be the truth. And truth and the popular reaction to it would be good for my ego. But in the long run it would be an unpatriotic act. It will destroy the morale of the army, lower its prestige among the people, be banned in Pakistan, and become a textbook for the Indians. I have little doubt that the Indians will never forgive us the slight of 65 and will avenge it at the first opportunity. I am certain they will hit us in E. Pak [East Pakistan] and we will need all we have to save the situation. The first day of Grand Slam will be fateful in many ways. The worst has still to come and we have to prepare for it. The book is therefore out.
I hope this gives you the gist of what you needed to know. And yes, Ayub was fully involved in the enterprise. As a matter of fact it was his idea. And it was he who ordered me to by-pass Musa while Gibraltar etc. was being planned. I was dealing more with him and Sher Bahadur than with the C-in-C. It is tragic that despite having a good military mind, the FM’s [Foreign Minister Z.A. Bhutto’s] heart was prone to give way. The biggest tragedy is that in this instance it gave way before the eruption of a crisis. Or were they already celebrating a final victory!!
In case you need a more exact description of events, I will need war diaries and maps, which you could send me through the diplomatic bag.
Please remember me to all the family.
Yours,
Akhtar Hussain Malik
 
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In short, maybe, Indians are trying to achieve opposite of TOO LITTLE, TOO LATE... Which is... Too much in a very short time.... Once this occurs, then the gaps widens between mass and quality.... And battlefield performance suffers, and then reluctance for prolonging a tactical action for own desired results creeps in... 27 Feb may fit in here.... Indians failed to use their one, ultimate trump card which is superiority in numbers.... Even if IAF had lost a couple maybe, but then following it, the skies should have been filled with IAF aircraft for potential fighter sweeps and CAPs busting.... But IAF showed no inclination of pressing their quantity advantage.....

Again.... Brings us to the same thing.... India always feels reluctant to bring in its quantity advantage... Maybe it tries for QUALITY advantage like USA does, but then Indians don't have this corresponding military assets to match their doctrine.... Yet.
You ignore the constant theme in Indian politics, underlying the self-aggrandising, ultra-jingoistic theme that jars a Pakistani listener (and most sensible Indian listeners as well). That theme has been the theme of strategic caution, of fearing to ask for everything and getting it.

Should we have overrun all of the former state of J&K in 1947-48, would we have been better off today? Sure, Pakistan would have its sensitive pressure points within howitzer range of Indian lines, but would that have contributed in any way to peace on the LOC? Would that have reduced the zeal to pursue adventures with half-baked irregulars that goes on year in and year out even as we speak?

Should we have thrust at a single point of any of the three that Harbaksh set out to do in 1965, and should we have achieved a thundering success, what then? Would India have seriously held on to territory controlled at the end of the inevitable cease fire - knowing, as we do, with perfect hindsight that Pakistan was scraping the bottom of the barrel in all respects with regard to war resources?

Should we have made a push to rationalise the Chicken's Neck in Jalpaiguri - the infamous Siliguri gap - in that same year? At that time, all that happened was that three battalions of armed policemen, and one battalion of the EFR faced five battalions of the East Pakistani armed forces - let us call it a gendarmerie for lack of a better word - under Brigadier Torgul; instead, if one corps had been diverted to East Pakistan from the committed forces facing China, would the situation for Pakistan have been better? Would the East Pakistani have felt better about the defence of East Pakistan, and would Ayub Khan have succeeded in recovering the 30 or 40 kms of territory in Rangpur that would have been the Indian side's most pressing need? We know from (again) hindsight that even Haji Pir Pass was returned, and it is possible that even this hypothetical gain might have been returned, but who knows? When we spin alternate history scenarios, anything can be made to look plausible.

Should we have dispensed with a poltroon Bewoor, and swiftly acted to replace Khambatta, and countered Eftekhar's successes in the north, would we have gained? I ask in the same spirit as the previous questions.

We can go on in this way.

The fact is that as events progress, it becomes increasingly more dangerous for India to win any victory of any substantial nature over Pakistan, for two obvious reasons, that apart from the civilian heroes of PDF who launch nuclear wars every day of the week, and twice on Fridays, nobody would like to face an unstable Pakistan that is today crumbling at the edges and is financially at its wits end, not with the spectre of a far worse enemy waiting to sweep aside established Pakistani institutions and put half the population into blue-coloured shuttlecocks; second, it would destroy India if such an event were to take place in today's conditions, because it would confirm and seal in concrete the dreadful destruction of democracy that is taking place in India today, and it would legitimise all the nauseating wounds inflicted on the country by a dangerous set of bigots.

I hope that some sensible souls will tell the utterly obnoxious fanboys who crowd this forum today that India winning a decisive military victory over Pakistan is to be dreaded by the sub-continent almost as much as Pakistan winning a decisive victory over the Indian cricket team today*.

*Apologies for being unable to resist that piece of pure mischief.
 

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