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2 IDF terrorists injured
Lebanon-Israel War | 2023-present
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2 IDF terrorists injured
Persian Gulf
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Shags101
Trusted Member
I tried using my nephews one epic fail they’re not as expensive as they once were but they get you with the constant replacement of broken parts
wow shows you the idf is actually lacking in armor those jeeps are easy pickings past few years between Gaza and south Lebanon if it shows you anything at all that they have destroyed a great deal of their heavy armor reports just came out basically saying Israel was extremely ill prepared for those fights
Persian Gulf
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Persian Gulf
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I wish we saw the aftermath of this
Hassan Al-Somal
Elite Member
Shags101
Trusted Member
Before I read your comment I was thinking the same thing that must have been like a nice boom if it was full of fuel
Persian Gulf
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Persian Gulf
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3 Israelis wounded, two seriously, in a Hezbollah drone attack in the Rosh Hanikra area
Persian Gulf
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1 IDF terrorist killed in Hezbollah ATGM strike in South Lebanon
The Rubble Doctrine: Inside Israel's new security policy in southern Lebanon
NATIONAL AFFAIRS: The destruction of El-Khiam reflects a profound shift in Israeli military thinking after October 7: deny the enemy not only the desire, but the capability, to strike.
By HERB KEINON
MAY 15, 2026 13:17
EL-KHIAM, Lebanon – Those looking to understand Israel’s new security doctrine – one born out of the horrors of October 7 – need look no further than El-Khiam, a Shia town in southern Lebanon, just 6 kilometers from Israel’s border.
Once a town of nearly 30,000 people, it is now a pile of rubble – heaps of twisted metal, steel rods, and massive broken concrete slabs where homes and businesses once stood.
Why? Because this was not just a pastoral town surrounded by vineyards and olive trees, but a Hezbollah stronghold, with arms caches stored in people’s homes and Hezbollah command and control centers buried in tunnels beneath the floors of civilian structures, such as an innocent-looking clothing store with a teddy bear hanging on its wall.
El-Khiam was also deeply symbolic.
Once the site of a notorious prison used by the South Lebanon Army, it was overtaken by Hezbollah after Israel withdrew from Lebanon in 2000 and turned into a symbol of Hezbollah’s “liberation” of Lebanon.
But it was much more than just a symbol.
The town sits astride key routes linking southern Lebanon to Hezbollah’s heartland in the Bekaa Valley, making it a central corridor for moving fighters and equipment across the country.
Over the years, Hezbollah transformed it into a major logistical and operational hub, fortifying the area with tunnels carved deep into the rock – a far more difficult and expensive undertaking than digging through the sands of Gaza – and building command posts used to direct anti-tank missile attacks, rocket fire, and potential cross-border infiltration missions by Radwan forces.
Over the years, El-Khiam, with its commanding view of border communities in Israel just to the south, was the site from which Hezbollah had a direct line of fire for anti-tank missiles into Metula and Kfar Yuval – from which it could terrorize those communities at will.
No more.
In place of Hezbollah terrorists peering through gun sights into Metula, what remains of the town is now in the hands of Givati’s Sabar Battalion, and to hear its deputy commander, identified only by the initial of his first name, A., talk about it, they are there for the long haul.
“Our most important goal is that the residents of Metula and Kfar Yuval will no longer endure the anti-tank missiles and direct fire they’ve suffered until now,” he told a group of journalists the IDF brought to the site on Wednesday.
“We are here with a very strong forward defense posture, here to stay for as long as necessary.”
And therein lies the crux of Israel’s new defense posture – one visible not only in southern Lebanon but also along eastern Gaza and in southwestern Syria.
Never again allow forces dedicated to your destruction to sit directly on your border. Not within anti-tank missile range, and not close enough to overrun border communities within minutes, as Hamas did on October 7.
Push them back, and level the towns from which they operated so they will be unable to hide there again.
Is it aesthetic? No. Are the visuals of a once vibrant town now leveled to the ground going to win friends and supporters overseas? Absolutely not.
Israel's post-October 7 security mindset
But the post-October 7 Israeli security mindset – one which, by the way, the world should realize will not change even if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is ousted in the coming election – is that the country cannot just allow terrorists to sit on its porch and hope they will be deterred from breaking into or shooting into the house. Instead, the porch must be demolished.Which is the El-Khiam story.
Asked whether he thought it likely that civilians will ever be allowed to return to live in the town, A. – an officer, not a politician making those decisions or a diplomat trying to explain them – said simply: “I do not see a situation where we leave this area and civilians return here. I think we know from experience that this does not work. Every time people return to a point like this, it simply creates vulnerability and renews the threat to the residents of the North.”
A. said that “we do not have the right or the privilege to abandon this territory,” until a real solution removes the threat and provides security. He didn’t say so, but that would mean the dismantling and disarming of Hezbollah – something few foresee in the foreseeable future.
So in the meantime, the IDF will remain, and the town – formerly a staging ground for attacks against Israel – will not be allowed to be rebuilt.
“We are creating a protective barrier between Hezbollah and the residents,” the officer said, echoing what Amir Shoshani, commander of the local security squad in Metula, said a few hours earlier in an Army Radio interview, heard on the drive to the northern border.
“The state understands that you defend civilians from outside the community, not from within it,” Shoshani said. “Right now, we have residents in Metula, terrorists inside Lebanon, and between the terrorists and the residents stands the IDF – and that’s how it should be.”
The quicker route or the safer route?
IT’S ABOUT a 15-minute ride from Kiryat Shmona to the border fence with Lebanon and a gate that opens into the country, and then another 25-minute ride in an armored tactical vehicle to El-Khiam. The road is jarringly bumpy, the kind that rattles your internal organs, with the vehicle at times hitting bumps so hard that those sitting in the back are jolted off their seats.There is a quicker route from the fence to the destroyed town, but this one is safer because it is less exposed.
Little is visible from the back of the vehicle through narrow windows, though one can see vineyards punctuated by the sight of destroyed buildings along the way.
During the fighting with Hezbollah in 2024, it took the IDF weeks to reach the outskirts of El-Khiam. This time, after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel following the February 28 attack on Iran, the IDF moved on the city at lightning speed, doing in a matter of hours what in 2024 took weeks to do.
Commanders on the ground said Hezbollah was caught off guard by both the speed and depth of the Israeli maneuver in early March, not expecting Israeli troops to penetrate this quickly into the town. Intense battles then took place before the IDF took control.
What Israeli troops discovered was a town that was nothing less than a fortified Hezbollah launching pad for attacks on Israel.
Nearly every 30 meters, officers said, there was another tunnel shaft, another underground passage, another piece of military infrastructure woven into the civilian landscape.
The homes themselves were large and well built, evidence, the officers noted, that this was not a place driven by desperate poverty. “The hatred toward Israel and the desire to kill Israelis or Jews exists everywhere,” one officer said.
Underground Hezbollah command center beneath the floorboards
THE GROUP of journalists was met in what was once the center of the town by Col. Y., the head of Battalion 779.After giving a brief overview of the area, pointing out the town of Marjayoun on a distant hill and gesturing toward the Litani River, Y. led the group into the remains of a small clothing store, with some articles of clothing still hanging on the racks. Beneath the floorboards was a 25-meter shaft leading to an underground Hezbollah command center, where communications equipment, weapons, and uniforms were found.
Y. described an elaborate network linking homes, alleyways, tunnels, and fortified positions. This gave the terrorists the ability to move through large sections of the neighborhood without ever exposing themselves in the street.
For A., the operation also carried personal resonance. The commander noted that in 2014, a Givati deputy battalion commander was killed by anti-tank fire launched from this very area. “For us, this is closing a circle,” he said.
Just as the brigade commander began his explanation of the area, equipped with detailed maps, an aide suddenly interrupted with the words “Air hammer” – code for a drone identified overhead – and the journalists were hurriedly shuffled into the hulk of a destroyed building for shelter.
In the meantime, Givati soldiers scanned the skies and pointed their rifles in the direction of the drone. Gunfire echoed in the distance, and the delegation was later told the drone had been shot down by a soldier using his personal rifle.
The drones, the officers at the scene stressed repeatedly, are viewed by the IDF as a tactical challenge, not a strategic threat – a message echoed so consistently by the commanders on the ground that it was clear the army was trying to reassure a jittery public increasingly focused on the issue.
“The drones do not affect our operational work,” A. said. “We have made adjustments. We operate somewhat differently now, with adaptations that I won’t elaborate on, but the threat is manageable.”
Those adjustments include low-tech solutions such as nets and protective coverings, along with soldiers tasked with constantly scanning the skies for incoming drones.
One officer said the experience had reinforced an old military lesson: “Simple, old-school fieldcraft is often the most effective solution – not relying solely on technology.”
Another company commander argued that Hezbollah’s growing reliance on drones reflected weakness more than strength.
“It shows how desperate and afraid they are, and how much they don’t want to engage the IDF in direct combat,” he said.
What El-Khiam illustrates is that Israel is no longer relying solely on deterrence to prevent terrorist attacks, but is instead taking operative steps to deny its enemies the capability to carry them out in the first place. The goal is not only to weaken the enemy’s desire to attack, but to rob it of the ability to do so from right on the country’s doorstep.
What is taking shape in El-Khiam is not merely a military operation against one Hezbollah stronghold, but the real-time implementation of a new Israeli security doctrine – one that says hostile forces will no longer be allowed to entrench themselves directly along Israel’s borders and threaten civilian communities from just over the fence.
The destruction in this town may draw condemnation abroad, but among the officers operating here, there is little doubt that the country has crossed a psychological Rubicon. The era of relying on deterrence alone ended on October 7.
Or, as Shimoni said in that Army Radio interview: “Right now, we have residents in Metula, terrorists inside Lebanon, and between the terrorists and the residents stands the IDF – and that’s how it should be.
hussain0216
Elite Member
The Rubble Doctrine: Inside Israel's new security policy in southern Lebanon
NATIONAL AFFAIRS: The destruction of El-Khiam reflects a profound shift in Israeli military thinking after October 7: deny the enemy not only the desire, but the capability, to strike.
INSIDE THE remains of a small clothing store, where some articles of clothing still hung on racks, the ‘Post’ was shown a 25-meter shaft leading to an underground Hezbollah command center beneath the floorboards, where communications equipment, weapons, and uniforms were found.(photo credit: HERB KEINON)
By HERB KEINON
MAY 15, 2026 13:17
EL-KHIAM, Lebanon – Those looking to understand Israel’s new security doctrine – one born out of the horrors of October 7 – need look no further than El-Khiam, a Shia town in southern Lebanon, just 6 kilometers from Israel’s border.
Once a town of nearly 30,000 people, it is now a pile of rubble – heaps of twisted metal, steel rods, and massive broken concrete slabs where homes and businesses once stood.
Why? Because this was not just a pastoral town surrounded by vineyards and olive trees, but a Hezbollah stronghold, with arms caches stored in people’s homes and Hezbollah command and control centers buried in tunnels beneath the floors of civilian structures, such as an innocent-looking clothing store with a teddy bear hanging on its wall.
El-Khiam was also deeply symbolic.
Once the site of a notorious prison used by the South Lebanon Army, it was overtaken by Hezbollah after Israel withdrew from Lebanon in 2000 and turned into a symbol of Hezbollah’s “liberation” of Lebanon.
INSIDE THE remains of a small clothing store, where some articles of clothing still hung on racks, the ‘Post’ was shown a 25-meter shaft leading to an underground Hezbollah command center beneath the floorboards, where communications equipment, weapons, and uniforms were found. (credit: HERB KEINON)
But it was much more than just a symbol.
The town sits astride key routes linking southern Lebanon to Hezbollah’s heartland in the Bekaa Valley, making it a central corridor for moving fighters and equipment across the country.
Over the years, Hezbollah transformed it into a major logistical and operational hub, fortifying the area with tunnels carved deep into the rock – a far more difficult and expensive undertaking than digging through the sands of Gaza – and building command posts used to direct anti-tank missile attacks, rocket fire, and potential cross-border infiltration missions by Radwan forces.
Over the years, El-Khiam, with its commanding view of border communities in Israel just to the south, was the site from which Hezbollah had a direct line of fire for anti-tank missiles into Metula and Kfar Yuval – from which it could terrorize those communities at will.
No more.
In place of Hezbollah terrorists peering through gun sights into Metula, what remains of the town is now in the hands of Givati’s Sabar Battalion, and to hear its deputy commander, identified only by the initial of his first name, A., talk about it, they are there for the long haul.
“Our most important goal is that the residents of Metula and Kfar Yuval will no longer endure the anti-tank missiles and direct fire they’ve suffered until now,” he told a group of journalists the IDF brought to the site on Wednesday.
“We are here with a very strong forward defense posture, here to stay for as long as necessary.”
And therein lies the crux of Israel’s new defense posture – one visible not only in southern Lebanon but also along eastern Gaza and in southwestern Syria.
Never again allow forces dedicated to your destruction to sit directly on your border. Not within anti-tank missile range, and not close enough to overrun border communities within minutes, as Hamas did on October 7.
Push them back, and level the towns from which they operated so they will be unable to hide there again.
Is it aesthetic? No. Are the visuals of a once vibrant town now leveled to the ground going to win friends and supporters overseas? Absolutely not.
Israel's post-October 7 security mindset
But the post-October 7 Israeli security mindset – one which, by the way, the world should realize will not change even if Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is ousted in the coming election – is that the country cannot just allow terrorists to sit on its porch and hope they will be deterred from breaking into or shooting into the house. Instead, the porch must be demolished.
Which is the El-Khiam story.
Asked whether he thought it likely that civilians will ever be allowed to return to live in the town, A. – an officer, not a politician making those decisions or a diplomat trying to explain them – said simply: “I do not see a situation where we leave this area and civilians return here. I think we know from experience that this does not work. Every time people return to a point like this, it simply creates vulnerability and renews the threat to the residents of the North.”
A. said that “we do not have the right or the privilege to abandon this territory,” until a real solution removes the threat and provides security. He didn’t say so, but that would mean the dismantling and disarming of Hezbollah – something few foresee in the foreseeable future.
So in the meantime, the IDF will remain, and the town – formerly a staging ground for attacks against Israel – will not be allowed to be rebuilt.
“We are creating a protective barrier between Hezbollah and the residents,” the officer said, echoing what Amir Shoshani, commander of the local security squad in Metula, said a few hours earlier in an Army Radio interview, heard on the drive to the northern border.
“The state understands that you defend civilians from outside the community, not from within it,” Shoshani said. “Right now, we have residents in Metula, terrorists inside Lebanon, and between the terrorists and the residents stands the IDF – and that’s how it should be.”
The quicker route or the safer route?
IT’S ABOUT a 15-minute ride from Kiryat Shmona to the border fence with Lebanon and a gate that opens into the country, and then another 25-minute ride in an armored tactical vehicle to El-Khiam. The road is jarringly bumpy, the kind that rattles your internal organs, with the vehicle at times hitting bumps so hard that those sitting in the back are jolted off their seats.
There is a quicker route from the fence to the destroyed town, but this one is safer because it is less exposed.
Little is visible from the back of the vehicle through narrow windows, though one can see vineyards punctuated by the sight of destroyed buildings along the way.
During the fighting with Hezbollah in 2024, it took the IDF weeks to reach the outskirts of El-Khiam. This time, after Hezbollah fired rockets into Israel following the February 28 attack on Iran, the IDF moved on the city at lightning speed, doing in a matter of hours what in 2024 took weeks to do.
Commanders on the ground said Hezbollah was caught off guard by both the speed and depth of the Israeli maneuver in early March, not expecting Israeli troops to penetrate this quickly into the town. Intense battles then took place before the IDF took control.
What Israeli troops discovered was a town that was nothing less than a fortified Hezbollah launching pad for attacks on Israel.
Nearly every 30 meters, officers said, there was another tunnel shaft, another underground passage, another piece of military infrastructure woven into the civilian landscape.
The homes themselves were large and well built, evidence, the officers noted, that this was not a place driven by desperate poverty. “The hatred toward Israel and the desire to kill Israelis or Jews exists everywhere,” one officer said.
Underground Hezbollah command center beneath the floorboards
THE GROUP of journalists was met in what was once the center of the town by Col. Y., the head of Battalion 779.
After giving a brief overview of the area, pointing out the town of Marjayoun on a distant hill and gesturing toward the Litani River, Y. led the group into the remains of a small clothing store, with some articles of clothing still hanging on the racks. Beneath the floorboards was a 25-meter shaft leading to an underground Hezbollah command center, where communications equipment, weapons, and uniforms were found.
Y. described an elaborate network linking homes, alleyways, tunnels, and fortified positions. This gave the terrorists the ability to move through large sections of the neighborhood without ever exposing themselves in the street.
For A., the operation also carried personal resonance. The commander noted that in 2014, a Givati deputy battalion commander was killed by anti-tank fire launched from this very area. “For us, this is closing a circle,” he said.
Just as the brigade commander began his explanation of the area, equipped with detailed maps, an aide suddenly interrupted with the words “Air hammer” – code for a drone identified overhead – and the journalists were hurriedly shuffled into the hulk of a destroyed building for shelter.
In the meantime, Givati soldiers scanned the skies and pointed their rifles in the direction of the drone. Gunfire echoed in the distance, and the delegation was later told the drone had been shot down by a soldier using his personal rifle.
The drones, the officers at the scene stressed repeatedly, are viewed by the IDF as a tactical challenge, not a strategic threat – a message echoed so consistently by the commanders on the ground that it was clear the army was trying to reassure a jittery public increasingly focused on the issue.
“The drones do not affect our operational work,” A. said. “We have made adjustments. We operate somewhat differently now, with adaptations that I won’t elaborate on, but the threat is manageable.”
Those adjustments include low-tech solutions such as nets and protective coverings, along with soldiers tasked with constantly scanning the skies for incoming drones.
One officer said the experience had reinforced an old military lesson: “Simple, old-school fieldcraft is often the most effective solution – not relying solely on technology.”
Another company commander argued that Hezbollah’s growing reliance on drones reflected weakness more than strength.
“It shows how desperate and afraid they are, and how much they don’t want to engage the IDF in direct combat,” he said.
What El-Khiam illustrates is that Israel is no longer relying solely on deterrence to prevent terrorist attacks, but is instead taking operative steps to deny its enemies the capability to carry them out in the first place. The goal is not only to weaken the enemy’s desire to attack, but to rob it of the ability to do so from right on the country’s doorstep.
What is taking shape in El-Khiam is not merely a military operation against one Hezbollah stronghold, but the real-time implementation of a new Israeli security doctrine – one that says hostile forces will no longer be allowed to entrench themselves directly along Israel’s borders and threaten civilian communities from just over the fence.
The destruction in this town may draw condemnation abroad, but among the officers operating here, there is little doubt that the country has crossed a psychological Rubicon. The era of relying on deterrence alone ended on October 7.
Or, as Shimoni said in that Army Radio interview: “Right now, we have residents in Metula, terrorists inside Lebanon, and between the terrorists and the residents stands the IDF – and that’s how it should be.
Yeahhhhhh it's just Zionists trying to occupy the middle east, they've been trying to do this for decades
They were forced out by Hezbollah in the early 2000s after temwo decades of occupation and they will be forced out of Lebanon, Syria again
The Jews are vampires, the presence in the middle east has caused destruction
They are a cancerous tumor and the only way to safeguard the middle east is to move the Jews on to somewhere else
The best thing the Jews can do is go to north America and see if they can find a home there, before the middle east forces the Jews out by gunpoint
The veteran envoys leading Lebanon-Israel direct talks
by Naharnet Newsdesk 2 days ago
Lebanon's Simon Karam and Israel's Yechiel Leiter, both political veterans with entrenched views, will come face to face in Washington for talks Thursday after decades in a state of war.
Lebanon and Israel have no formal ties, but U.S. President Donald Trump is hoping for a historic breakthrough even as Israeli forces remain deployed in south Lebanon to fight Iran-backed Hezbollah.
While Lebanon is seeking to consolidate a ceasefire in the latest war and to obtain the withdrawal of Israeli troops, Israel wants to ensure Hezbollah is disarmed.
Here are profiles of the envoys leading their countries' third round of negotiations:
- Karam: the quiet negotiator -
Simon Karam, a lawyer known for his decades in politics and fierce defense of Lebanon's sovereignty, was appointed by President Joseph Aoun last month for the thorny task of helming the direct talks with Israel.
Beirut insists Israel must end its attacks before starting negotiations, while Hezbollah rejects outright any direct engagement between the two countries.
A former ambassador to Washington and independent politician, 76-year-old Karam is known for his defense of Lebanese unity in a country riven by sectarian divisions.
He is also known for his support for extending state sovereignty across all of Lebanon, where Hezbollah has long kept a huge arsenal and thrown the country into war after war.
Late last year, Karam was appointed as Lebanon's civilian representative to a committee comprising Lebanon, Israel, the United States, France and U.N. peacekeepers that was tasked with monitoring a 2024 ceasefire.
Karam is known for his calm demeanor and makes few media appearances, but those who know him say he has remained uncompromising in his convictions on a sovereign, stable Lebanon.
During his participation in two previous ceasefire monitoring committee meetings, Karam "was a decisive and rational negotiator", a source familiar with the talks told AFP on condition of anonymity.
"He was particularly insistent on the demand that southern residents return to their towns, and spoke at length about the emotional ties linking villagers to their lands," the source added.
Political analyst Ali al-Amin, who has known Karam for decades, praised his upstanding character.
"He doesn't make deals under the table," Amin said, noting Karam had not sought high office despite his connections.
Karam entered public life in 1990, first being appointed governor of east Lebanon's Bekaa region and then Beirut.
He was named ambassador to Washington in 1992 but stepped down the following year, in a move observers said was linked to his diverging views from authorities who at the time were under the influence of Syria, whose occupation Karam opposed.
Karam, who is fluent in Arabic, French and English, hails from south Lebanon's Jezzine district and is married with three children.
- Leiter: the Netanyahu ally -
Israel's ambassador to the United States, Yechiel Leiter, is a longtime ally of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu.
Well versed in Israeli settler politics, conservative activism and hard-edged diplomacy, Leiter, 67, took up his post as Israel's top envoy to Washington in January 2025.
Born in the United States, he emigrated to Israel at 18 and went on to build close ties with the U.S. Republican Party.
According to Israeli media reports, he served as a combat medic in the military in 1982, when Israel invaded Lebanon.
Leiter, who is also a historian and ordained rabbi, first gained prominence in the 1990s as a leading figure in the Yesha Council, the umbrella organization representing Israeli settlers in the occupied West Bank.
During some of the most divisive years of the Israeli-Palestinian peace process, Leiter became a forceful advocate for the settlement movement and a prominent nationalist.
His influence later extended into government.
Leiter served as chief of staff to Netanyahu when the latter served as finance minister in the early 2000s, helping cement a longstanding political alliance.
A member of Netanyahu's Likud party, he also worked as a strategist and adviser to several right-wing Israeli think tanks.
The war in Gaza struck him personally.
In November 2023, his son, Moshe Leiter, was killed in combat in the Gaza Strip, a month after Hamas' October 7 attack on Israel.
Leiter was also an outspoken critic of President Joe Biden, before Trump returned to the White House.
In a 2024 interview with Israel's Channel Tov, he denounced what he described as "American pressure" on Israel under Biden during the war in Gaza.
After being appointed ambassador, Leiter renounced his U.S. citizenship.
In May 2025, he was called back to Israel for a disciplinary hearing after accusing Netanyahu's opponents of spreading "blood libels" against the prime minister -- breaching norms against Israeli diplomats making political statements.
Leiter has positioned himself as an advocate for a broader regional realignment, and following talks in Washington with his Lebanese counterpart in April, he praised what he called a "wonderful exchange".
The actions of the Iranian ambassador-designate to Lebanon constituted a clear
violation of the provisions of the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations,
in particular article 13, which provides that an ambassador will not be
considered as having taken up his functions until he has presented a copy of his
credentials, and article 41, which requires that the laws of the receiving State be
respected and establishes a duty not to interfere in its internal affairs. Those
actions by the Iranian ambassador, as described above, prompted the Lebanese
Government to revoke the agrément that it had granted him and to declare him
persona non grata. In addition, the Government requested that he leave Lebanese
territory by 29 March 2026, pursuant to Ministry of Foreign Affairs and
Expatriates note No. 60/alif ‘ayn of 24 March 2026...
...All of the aforementioned Iranian actions, which violate all international norms
and rules, and its entanglement of Lebanon in devastating wars contrary to the
will of its constitutional institutions entitles Lebanon to demand that Iran be
held internationally accountable for and bear the consequences of its repeated
violations of its international obligations. It is clear that Iranian State agencies,
including the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps, have committed unlawful
acts in blatant defiance of the decisions of the Government of Lebanon.
Moreover, since 2 March 2026, they have dragged Lebanon into a devastating
war that has resulted in the death and injury of thousands of Lebanese, the
displacement of more than 1 million citizens, incalculable material losses and
the destruction of dozens of villages and towns and has led Israel to occupy parts
of Lebanese territory and establish security belts.
I should be grateful if you would have the present letter circulated as a document
of the General Assembly, under agenda item 84, and of the Security Council.
(Signed) Ahmad Arafa
Ambassador
Permanent Representative
Ambassador
Permanent Representative
Last edited:
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