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Considering the track record of the Mi-17 vis a vi Crashes, and how much these kinds of crashes can impact not just the lives of servicemen, morale if troops in general, but also operations and an overall strategy potentially going sideways (remember black hawk down), Pakistan needs to start looking for a replacement that is affordable but that also prioritizes crash survival. Also considering plans to perhaps shift to domestic production alongside the Saudis and getting in early enough with a rising partner, Pakistan should consider joint production of the Turkish medium (T-625) and heavy (T-925) transport helicopter projects.View attachment 201293
Namaz Janaza for Shuhada, who embraced Shahadat yesterday in tragic MI-17 helicopter crash in Muzaffarabad, was offered today at Chaklala Garrison, Rawalpindi which was attended by the Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Field Marshal Syed Asim Munir, NI (M), HJ, COAS & CDF and others.
If PAA is sensible, they won’t opt for Turkish options when Leonardo is available; , Procure more AW-139s for troop transport, given their abundant availability in the second-hand market, sooner rather then later all those 412s are going as well, PAF already has an MRO for 139s, most sensible purchase.Considering the track record of the Mi-17 vis a vi Crashes, and how much these kinds of crashes can impact not just the lives of servicemen, morale if troops in general, but also operations and an overall strategy potentially going sideways (remember black hawk down), Pakistan needs to start looking for a replacement that is affordable but that also prioritizes crash survival. Also considering plans to perhaps shift to domestic production alongside the Saudis and getting in early enough with a rising partner, Pakistan should consider joint production of the Turkish medium (T-625) and heavy (T-925) transport helicopter projects.
Phased in of course, as the Mi-17 age out.
Use of similar engines on the Mi-17 and T-925 should make the transition easier.
These crashes, in peacetime, seem like such a preventable problem. Regardless of what one feels about any leadership, military or civilian, but losing leadership especially, is very disruptive to the operations of the state.
Fair point, especially with the MRO facility and availability of used -139s available. Thanks for the heads up.If PAA is sensible, they won’t opt for Turkish options when Leonardo is available; , Procure more AW-139s for troop transport, given their abundant availability in the second-hand market, sooner rather then later all those 412s are going as well, PAF already has an MRO for 139s, most sensible purchase.
PAF and PAA would have commonality which could force the PN to get these as well to replace aging WS-61s
I completely disagree with your point of view. In fact, I believe your viewpoint contains serious bias.Considering the track record of the Mi-17 vis a vi Crashes, and how much these kinds of crashes can impact not just the lives of servicemen, morale if troops in general, but also operations and an overall strategy potentially going sideways (remember black hawk down), Pakistan needs to start looking for a replacement that is affordable but that also prioritizes crash survival. Also considering plans to perhaps shift to domestic production alongside the Saudis and getting in early enough with a rising partner, Pakistan should consider joint production of the Turkish medium (T-625) and heavy (T-925) transport helicopter projects.
No doubt it is a cost effective platform, but a focus on flight safety is also something we see in the Russian follow on to the Mi-17; the Mi-38.I completely disagree with your point of view. In fact, I believe your viewpoint contains serious bias.
The Mi-17 series helicopter is the most widely used helicopter in the world. In a comprehensive evaluation of economic cost, space utilization, environmental adaptability, and operational support, it surpasses any other helicopter in the world. No other helicopter can compare.
People often only focus on its crashes, deliberately ignoring many other factors. Its situation is similar to that of the Toyota pickup truck. But almost no one criticizes the Toyota pickup truck. This is a classic example of bias.
The key requirement incorporated in the design of Mi-38 is the guarantee of the maximum flight safety. The helicopter layout, the size and number of emergency exists, emergency exits through large windows, energy-attenuating seats and landing gear, the main rotor transmission’s ability to work for half an hour without oil, triplication of the pilot hydraulic system and impact-indestructible fuel system enforce the most stringent requirements of international aircraft safety standards.
While not a military person I decided to prompt an AI for this answer since Im curious and want some baseline - hopefully this is acceptable to folks without too many raised eyebrows at me - my prompt specifically asked to elaborate on your question vis a vis role creep in organizations beyond the military overall - what is the “Universal truth” but it is also very likely these do not apply to the Pakistani Army due to various existing cultural and social aspects as well. However, its good to perhaps expand on the problem BEFORE looking to solve pieces of it.Have a question for those more knowledgeable about how the Pakistani Army really works and how its structured.
Exactly what negative effect does the Army's involvement in politics and business have on its primary purpose of warfighting? Does the average officer have to divide his attention between managing his unit and/or making sure other 'tasks' are completed?
Or does the army have EXTRA personnel dedicated for these tasks?
While not a military person I decided to prompt an AI for this answer since Im curious and want some baseline - hopefully this is acceptable to folks without too many raised eyebrows at me - my prompt specifically asked to elaborate on your question vis a vis role creep in organizations beyond the military overall - what is the “Universal truth” but it is also very likely these do not apply to the Pakistani Army due to various existing cultural and social aspects as well. However, its good to perhaps expand on the problem BEFORE looking to solve pieces of it.
And lastly, it is AI generated - so ill put my comments in but for all it is important to know that the “information” pulled below comes from training data, access to resources over the internet and depth of AI access - I use perplexity specifically because of its search focused roots on answers but it’s important to keep in mind and Ill let the AI provide.
If you’re going to skim through it - here is the summary from the AI response only - not my comments within.
Summary:
The Pakistan Army is one of organizational theory’s most documented case studies in institutional role conflict. Rather than role creep being imposed on individual officers, the Army architecturally embedded dual mandates into its career structure: colonels and generals are simultaneously responsible for formation readiness and for cultivating the political proximity that determines post-retirement placement on Fauji Foundation and Army Welfare Trust boards. Ayesha Siddiqa’s concept of “Milbus” captures this precisely: military capital redirected for personal officer enrichment, entirely outside public accountability. Huntington’s framework predicted exactly this outcome: when an officer corps loses professional insularity, whichever role controls the reward structure wins. In Pakistan, that reward structure is unambiguously political and commercial. The battlefield record confirms the theory: the Hamoodur Rahman Commission found that 1971 command appointments in the Eastern Theatre were made on political loyalty criteria, producing an officer corps institutionally incapable of adaptive warfighting and the largest military surrender since World War II. Kargil 1999 demonstrated the same pathology at strategic level: an institution so habituated to unaccountable political action that joint coordination with its own Air Force, Navy, and civilian government had atrophied. The Pakistan Air Force, which maintained far greater distance from political and commercial entanglement, consistently outperforms the Army on operational assessments, functioning as a near-perfect internal control variable. The conclusion is clean: incentive structures, not org charts, determine primary role performance.
Complete response
AI:
The Universal Mechanism: Role Conflict & Role Strain
Organizational psychology has two core concepts here. Role conflict occurs when the demands of two assigned roles contradict each other in time, energy, or values. Role strain occurs when even non-conflicting roles together exceed a person’s cognitive and motivational bandwidth. Studies consistently link both conditions to lower performance, lower job satisfaction, and higher burnout.
The key insight: beyond time it’s about identity and incentive distortion. When a person’s secondary role starts carrying more career reward than their primary role, their primary role becomes the side hustle, even if the org chart says otherwise.
The Corporate Example: Microsoft’s Own Research
Microsoft’s 2025 Work Trend Index, based on trillions of Microsoft 365 productivity signals, found that workers are interrupted every 2 minutes on average, and that peak cognitive hours (9–11am, 1–3pm) are consumed by meetings and non-core coordination tasks. The report frames this as an “infinite workday” problem and not caused by laziness, but by poorly bounded roles where everyone is simultaneously a contributor, a communicator, an administrator, and a stakeholder manager.
Google took the opposite approach as a control case: they created dedicated productivity engineering teams — specialists whose only job is to remove non-core friction from engineers’ workflows. The lesson Google drew is that when you ask core contributors to also manage their own tooling, processes, and operational overhead, you get partial contributors in every dimension.
The Clearest Non-Military Example: Physician-Managers
The physician-administrator hybrid is the most studied real-world parallel. Research published in healthcare management journals found that doctors performing dual clinical-administrative roles face a structural trap:
• Clinical work must happen after hours and on weekends when administrative duties dominate the week
• Neither role gets full cognitive presence — patients get a distracted doctor, the organization gets a part-time administrator
• The incentive structure determines which role actually gets prioritized — and it’s usually whichever one ties to compensation or promotion
A systematic review in Medical Leadership confirmed that hybrid physician-manager roles produce measurable strain unless the split is explicitly negotiated and structurally protected — meaning dedicated time blocks, separate reporting lines, and clear performance metrics for each role.
My comment: this is universal , but we need to consider that the Army has cultural and social inheritance from the colonial army in having these additional administrative (quasi-zameendar roles) .
AI:
Pakistan’s Army isn’t just an organization that accidentally accumulated non-core roles — it is a culturally legitimized, institutionally entrenched ruling class that deliberately constructed its dual identity.
In Pakistan’s Army, the dual role was architected from above and embraced from below, for deeply cultural and historical reasons.
The Army is the most prestigious institution in Pakistan, with acceptance rates comparable to Ivy League universities — one in ten applicants gets in. Joining the officer corps is not just a career choice; it is an entry into a hereditary social class with generational wealth transfer built in through land grants, housing colonies, and foundation board seats. This means the “role conflict” dynamic works in reverse compared to a corporate setting: officers don’t resent the non-military duties — for many, those duties are the point.
My comment: I don’t entirely agree nor disagree with this framing since the heriditary social class isn’t entirely fair from an institutional perspective and more so that may apply better to the elite business, feudal part of the establishment more.
AI:
Pakistan’s Army inherited its structure from the British colonial model post-1857, which was explicitly designed to make the military a self-contained civilizational apparatus — not just a warfighting force. Regiments were organized by ethnicity, officers were given administrative authority over territories, and the military was deliberately made more competent than civilian institutions to ensure control. Pakistan never dismantled this design. The result is an institution that genuinely believes — and is not entirely wrong — that it is the only functional state institution in Pakistan.
This is the exact opposite of the Microsoft engineer who resents being pulled into admin work. The Pakistani officer corps has internalized the political-commercial role as part of what makes the Army legitimate and necessary.
The “Mirror of Civil Society” Problem
General Jehangir Karamat captured something crucial in 1996 when he said: “the military is after all a mirror image of the civil society from which it is drawn”. This is the cultural dimension that pure role-conflict theory misses entirely.
In a society where civilian institutions — courts, parliament, bureaucracy — are chronically weak or corrupt, the Army’s political overreach is not just tolerated, it is actively requested by segments of the population who see it as the only competent actor. The 2024 elections where Imran Khan’s candidates crushed military-backed parties showed this is shifting — citizens are increasingly rejecting military political dominance — but for decades, the Army’s dual role carried genuine popular legitimacy.
Does the Average Officer Divide Attention — Or Are There Dedicated People?
The answer is both, and both mechanisms damage warfighting. The division happens differently by rank.
Junior Officers (Captain–Major): Indirect Dilution
At unit level, officers are not personally running cement factories. The commercial empire is structurally separated through the Fauji Foundation, Army Welfare Trust, and DHA. However, battalions deployed in FATA were routinely tasked with tribal political management, informant networks, and jirga administration — none of which are warfighting tasks — which directly compressed training time and operational continuity.
Senior Officers (Colonel–Brigadier): Direct Dual Role
This is where separation collapses. Siddiqa’s Military Inc. documents the mechanism precisely: colonels and brigadiers are simultaneously formation commanders and active candidates for post-retirement foundation board placements worth millions. Their active-service behavior is already being optimized for political proximity, not tactical performance. The ISI’s political wing is staffed by serving officers detached from combat formations — not supplemental personnel. Every officer managing a politician or running a media blackout is an officer not training his unit.
General Officers: Role Inversion
At this level, the political role is not supplemental — it is primary. MIT’s International Security journal states directly: “When political loyalty is required for appointments and promotions, military advice suffers”. The 1971 Hamoodur Rahman Commission — Pakistan’s own official inquiry — concluded that command appointments in East Pakistan were made on political loyalty grounds, not tactical competence, and that this directly caused the battlefield collapse resulting in the surrender of 93,000 troops. Kargil 1999 confirmed the pattern: Musharraf planned and executed the infiltration without consulting the Air Force, Navy, or Prime Minister — a direct product of an institution so habituated to unaccountable political action that normal command coordination had atrophied.
My comment: PA has implemented fixes from the commission over time but leader to leader or rather dictator to dictator these get diluted. Dictators by design want political loyalty which causes appointments and associated professionalism to suffer.
The Net Assessment
The “dedicated staff” workaround is real but porous. The retired-to-serving boundary in Pakistan’s military is functionally nonexistent — retired generals maintain active GHQ relationships and intervene in operations and policy. More critically, the incentive structure is never separated: as long as post-retirement wealth flows through political proximity, every serving officer is already a political actor in uniform. That is the finding Siddiqa’s framework and the Hamoodur Rahman Commission’s record converge on — and it is what makes Pakistan’s case structurally different from ordinary organizational role creep.
My comment: I disagree with this framing - other than Hamid Gul and maybe 1 other influential most retired generals end up on the FF or personal business path - and some sad individuals can be seen roaming lost in clubs or cmh’s craving the attention and protocol they once had.
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