alphapak
Trusted Member
I was the same at that time, I even used to listen to a fraud called Zaid Hamid.
He used to blame all of Pakistan's problems on the politicians, but will never say
who bought them into power and who is protecting them.
PTI freedom movement against Judiciary and Establishment: News, Discussion & Updates
- Thread starter Cash gk
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I was the same at that time, I even used to listen to a fraud called Zaid Hamid.
He used to blame all of Pakistan's problems on the politicians, but will never say
who bought them into power and who is protecting them.
Liberate pakistan first then dream about Kashmir…
Tamerlane
Trusted Member
Same here. I used to follow Zaid Hamid and even met him the same time I met Gul. It turned out that ZH was on ISI payroll.
Cipher212
Registered Member
Imagine, our own army chief. A man who should only think of war and dead indians was talking about 'burying the hatchet'.
They've got no stomach or war chest for a fight anymore. They just want to expand the conglomerate.
Cipher212
Registered Member
Zaid Hamid is a deluded fool. Any college boy will be able to beat him to a pulp and he prances around on fatigues like he's some SSG
Tamerlane
Trusted Member
Regarding the civilian elite, that consisted of the British trained bureaucracy, politicians, and businessmen. The bureaucracy was the reason Pakistan survived even though the Indians didn't expect it to last more than a couple of years. They and the businessmen created an economic boom in Pakistan that was the best in the world. Pakistan was considered a leader in the Muslim world.
The military and the feudal politicians were the ones who destroyed the country. First Ayub Khan took over and killed Fatima Jinnah and transferred the capital to Pindi. He also created the conditions for the loss of East Pakistan. Then the army installed that bastard Bhutto who f--ked Pakistan so badly that it's never recovered. Bhutto ruined the economy, education, bureaucracy, banking, PIA, and all state-owned enterprises.
The British trained bureaucracy and businessmen were mostly located in Karachi. After the ban on people of Karachi being employed in government and the nationalization of industry, all the most highly educated and trained people left Pakistan. The destruction of Karachi by the British Indian Army has played a major role in the failure of Pakistan.
pakistanitarzan
Registered Member
How do you know? He's a nobody now and his followers dipped in number
Tamerlane
Trusted Member
His main assistant left him and issued a statement that he used to go to collect money from ISI.
.44 Magnum Lever Action
Registered Member
I used to point out Zaid Hamid being a product of incest and a keyboard commando at the height of his notoriety. At the time he was sending verbal Shaheen ballistic missiles at every country around us except for the Taliban in Afghanistan.
Khansaheeb
Elite Member
OK Indian
pakistanitarzan
Registered Member
Emmad?
Cash gk
Elite Member
- Thread starter
- #1,589
Revenge from Within: How Politicians and Their Allies Destroyed the Pakistan Army and Judiciary
In Pakistan’s volatile political landscape, a dangerous game of revenge has been playing out for years. Once the country’s most respected institution, the Pakistani military has found itself outmanoeuvred, used, and discredited by the very politicians and figures it once supported or defended. What was once an unshakeable force has now been reduced to a story of downfall, brought about by its own leadership, manipulative politicians, and a judiciary that turned against its own values. The military’s reputation is shattered, with analysts predicting it won’t recover for decades.
Nawaz Sharif’s Masterstroke: Using Asim Munir to Dismantle the Army
Nawaz Sharif, often ridiculed for his political missteps, executed one of the most cunning and strategic moves against the military. Having been ousted from power by the military in 1999 through a coup led by General Pervez Musharraf, Nawaz harboured a deep-seated resentment against the institution that had humiliated him. However, he understood that direct confrontation would not work. Instead, Sharif employed a more insidious approach: use the army itself to destroy its reputation.
Sharif’s genius was in the selection of General Asim Munir. Unlike other generals, Munir was more loyal to Sharif’s cause than to the military institution he was supposed to serve. Sharif knew this well, and he played his cards brilliantly. Munir, known for his questionable loyalty and perceived as a “deceiver” within military ranks, was the perfect candidate for Sharif’s plan. By promoting Munir to key positions, Sharif ensured that the military’s leadership would be compromised from within.
Asim Munir’s rise was instrumental in pulling the army deeper into political controversies, making it look like a compromised, political pawn rather than the formidable force it once was. The general, more loyal to Sharif’s vision than to the institution, allowed the army to be further entangled in political affairs, slowly but surely eroding its credibility and turning it into a laughingstock in the eyes of the public. Munir’s mismanagement ensured that the army, once seen as an untouchable force, was now perceived as corrupt and ineffective.
Sharif used Munir in a way that few could have anticipated. The army, under Munir’s compromised leadership, became a tool of the political elite, used to manipulate and coerce rather than defend. By the time the military realised what was happening, its once untouchable image had already been shattered. Nawaz Sharif, often dismissed as politically incompetent, had outplayed the military, using its own leadership to destroy it from within.
Bilawal Bhutto: A Clumsy Pawn in the Game
Bhutto Zardari, though widely seen as an inexperienced and foolish politician, also played his part in the downfall of the military, albeit more clumsily than Nawaz Sharif. Bilawal, son of Benazir Bhutto, has long sought revenge for the deaths of his mother and grandfather, both of whom his family believes were victims of military conspiracies.
Although Bilawal’s strategy has often been erratic and foolish, he managed to contribute to the military’s downfall by constantly dragging it into the political quagmire. With his public rants and misplaced criticism, Bilawal helped further tarnish the army’s reputation, turning it into a symbol of political incompetence. While Bilawal may be perceived as a puppet and a poor strategist, his constant needling of the military—combined with their involvement in political affairs—further cemented the army’s image as a meddling and corrupt force.
Chief Justice Isa: Revenge Against the Judiciary Itself
No political betrayal is more damning than the one Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa exacted on his own institution. Having once been protected by his fellow judges when corruption cases were brought against him, Isa turned on the judiciary the moment it suited him. Instead of standing firm to uphold the law, he aligned himself with the political forces that sought to undermine the country’s judicial integrity.
When the 26th Constitutional Amendment came into play, it was widely viewed as an attack on the military’s autonomy. However, this amendment also revealed the judiciary’s role in its own undoing. Justice Isa, under the guise of legality, helped facilitate the passage of the amendment, thus ensuring that both the military and judiciary would be further politicised and weakened. The amendment, which gave more power to civilian politicians and chipped away at military influence, was passed with the active cooperation of a judiciary that had once prided itself on its independence.
Chief Justice Isa, instead of defending the constitutional rights and upholding the sanctity of the court, betrayed the institution that once saved him. The Supreme Court, which had long protected the military’s involvement in critical national decisions, now found itself undermined, with Isa helping the very politicians who sought to diminish both military and judicial autonomy. His revenge against the judiciary, much like the revenge of the politicians against the military, was subtle but devastating.
The 26th Constitutional Amendment: The Final Blow
The 26th Constitutional Amendment has been the most significant and final blow to the military’s power and the judiciary’s independence. Brought forward by a political class hungry for power, this amendment was cloaked in language promoting civilian rule and reforms but was in reality a way to strip the military of its autonomy and independence.
By aligning themselves with the amendment, politicians like Nawaz Sharif, Bilawal Bhutto, and Maulana Fazlur Rehman ensured that the army would become a shadow of its former self, manipulated and weakened beyond recognition. The Supreme Court, through Justice Isa’s betrayal, allowed the amendment to pass without challenge, thus securing the political elite’s victory over the institutions that once held power in Pakistan.
The 26th Amendment was illegal and clear attack on the very foundations of Pakistan’s power structures. It has left the military humiliated, reduced to a political tool for civilian elites. More importantly, the judiciary—once a bastion of independence—has been compromised, now little more than an accomplice to political whims. The military and judiciary, once pillars of stability in Pakistan, have been utterly destroyed, and the damage will likely take decades to repair.
Conclusion: A Story of Betrayal and Revenge
Today, Pakistan stands at a crossroads. The military, once the most powerful institution in the country, is now a shell of its former self, reduced to political manoeuvring, with a reputation in tatters. The judiciary, once a beacon of hope, has been exposed as corrupt, willing to betray its own values for the sake of political power. And behind it all are the politicians—Nawaz Sharif, Bilawal Bhutto, and Maulana Fazlur Rehman—who masterfully manipulated these institutions, using them to further their own personal vendettas.
Chief Justice Isa, who was once saved by the judiciary, turned his back on the very institution that protected him, allowing corrupt political forces to push through amendments that have forever weakened Pakistan’s military and judicial structures. In their quest for revenge, these political actors have left Pakistan’s once strong institutions broken, corrupt, and discredited.
What’s left is a nation that no longer trusts its military or its courts, a public that sees the army not as a defender of the state but as a pawn of corrupt politicians, and a judiciary that has lost its credibility. The army, disrespected and humiliated, may not recover for the next 30 years if at all. The politicians may have won their personal battles, but Pakistan as a whole has lost. The very institutions that once held the country together are now stories of betrayal and defeat.
In Pakistan’s volatile political landscape, a dangerous game of revenge has been playing out for years. Once the country’s most respected institution, the Pakistani military has found itself outmanoeuvred, used, and discredited by the very politicians and figures it once supported or defended. What was once an unshakeable force has now been reduced to a story of downfall, brought about by its own leadership, manipulative politicians, and a judiciary that turned against its own values. The military’s reputation is shattered, with analysts predicting it won’t recover for decades.
Nawaz Sharif’s Masterstroke: Using Asim Munir to Dismantle the Army
Nawaz Sharif, often ridiculed for his political missteps, executed one of the most cunning and strategic moves against the military. Having been ousted from power by the military in 1999 through a coup led by General Pervez Musharraf, Nawaz harboured a deep-seated resentment against the institution that had humiliated him. However, he understood that direct confrontation would not work. Instead, Sharif employed a more insidious approach: use the army itself to destroy its reputation.
Sharif’s genius was in the selection of General Asim Munir. Unlike other generals, Munir was more loyal to Sharif’s cause than to the military institution he was supposed to serve. Sharif knew this well, and he played his cards brilliantly. Munir, known for his questionable loyalty and perceived as a “deceiver” within military ranks, was the perfect candidate for Sharif’s plan. By promoting Munir to key positions, Sharif ensured that the military’s leadership would be compromised from within.
Asim Munir’s rise was instrumental in pulling the army deeper into political controversies, making it look like a compromised, political pawn rather than the formidable force it once was. The general, more loyal to Sharif’s vision than to the institution, allowed the army to be further entangled in political affairs, slowly but surely eroding its credibility and turning it into a laughingstock in the eyes of the public. Munir’s mismanagement ensured that the army, once seen as an untouchable force, was now perceived as corrupt and ineffective.
Sharif used Munir in a way that few could have anticipated. The army, under Munir’s compromised leadership, became a tool of the political elite, used to manipulate and coerce rather than defend. By the time the military realised what was happening, its once untouchable image had already been shattered. Nawaz Sharif, often dismissed as politically incompetent, had outplayed the military, using its own leadership to destroy it from within.
Bilawal Bhutto: A Clumsy Pawn in the Game
Bhutto Zardari, though widely seen as an inexperienced and foolish politician, also played his part in the downfall of the military, albeit more clumsily than Nawaz Sharif. Bilawal, son of Benazir Bhutto, has long sought revenge for the deaths of his mother and grandfather, both of whom his family believes were victims of military conspiracies.
Although Bilawal’s strategy has often been erratic and foolish, he managed to contribute to the military’s downfall by constantly dragging it into the political quagmire. With his public rants and misplaced criticism, Bilawal helped further tarnish the army’s reputation, turning it into a symbol of political incompetence. While Bilawal may be perceived as a puppet and a poor strategist, his constant needling of the military—combined with their involvement in political affairs—further cemented the army’s image as a meddling and corrupt force.
Chief Justice Isa: Revenge Against the Judiciary Itself
No political betrayal is more damning than the one Chief Justice Qazi Faez Isa exacted on his own institution. Having once been protected by his fellow judges when corruption cases were brought against him, Isa turned on the judiciary the moment it suited him. Instead of standing firm to uphold the law, he aligned himself with the political forces that sought to undermine the country’s judicial integrity.
When the 26th Constitutional Amendment came into play, it was widely viewed as an attack on the military’s autonomy. However, this amendment also revealed the judiciary’s role in its own undoing. Justice Isa, under the guise of legality, helped facilitate the passage of the amendment, thus ensuring that both the military and judiciary would be further politicised and weakened. The amendment, which gave more power to civilian politicians and chipped away at military influence, was passed with the active cooperation of a judiciary that had once prided itself on its independence.
Chief Justice Isa, instead of defending the constitutional rights and upholding the sanctity of the court, betrayed the institution that once saved him. The Supreme Court, which had long protected the military’s involvement in critical national decisions, now found itself undermined, with Isa helping the very politicians who sought to diminish both military and judicial autonomy. His revenge against the judiciary, much like the revenge of the politicians against the military, was subtle but devastating.
The 26th Constitutional Amendment: The Final Blow
The 26th Constitutional Amendment has been the most significant and final blow to the military’s power and the judiciary’s independence. Brought forward by a political class hungry for power, this amendment was cloaked in language promoting civilian rule and reforms but was in reality a way to strip the military of its autonomy and independence.
By aligning themselves with the amendment, politicians like Nawaz Sharif, Bilawal Bhutto, and Maulana Fazlur Rehman ensured that the army would become a shadow of its former self, manipulated and weakened beyond recognition. The Supreme Court, through Justice Isa’s betrayal, allowed the amendment to pass without challenge, thus securing the political elite’s victory over the institutions that once held power in Pakistan.
The 26th Amendment was illegal and clear attack on the very foundations of Pakistan’s power structures. It has left the military humiliated, reduced to a political tool for civilian elites. More importantly, the judiciary—once a bastion of independence—has been compromised, now little more than an accomplice to political whims. The military and judiciary, once pillars of stability in Pakistan, have been utterly destroyed, and the damage will likely take decades to repair.
Conclusion: A Story of Betrayal and Revenge
Today, Pakistan stands at a crossroads. The military, once the most powerful institution in the country, is now a shell of its former self, reduced to political manoeuvring, with a reputation in tatters. The judiciary, once a beacon of hope, has been exposed as corrupt, willing to betray its own values for the sake of political power. And behind it all are the politicians—Nawaz Sharif, Bilawal Bhutto, and Maulana Fazlur Rehman—who masterfully manipulated these institutions, using them to further their own personal vendettas.
Chief Justice Isa, who was once saved by the judiciary, turned his back on the very institution that protected him, allowing corrupt political forces to push through amendments that have forever weakened Pakistan’s military and judicial structures. In their quest for revenge, these political actors have left Pakistan’s once strong institutions broken, corrupt, and discredited.
What’s left is a nation that no longer trusts its military or its courts, a public that sees the army not as a defender of the state but as a pawn of corrupt politicians, and a judiciary that has lost its credibility. The army, disrespected and humiliated, may not recover for the next 30 years if at all. The politicians may have won their personal battles, but Pakistan as a whole has lost. The very institutions that once held the country together are now stories of betrayal and defeat.
WatchtowerWarrior4Ever
Registered Member
Who Installed Imran Khan?
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