None of this has anything to do with the economy, politics and any of the other bakvas.
These bastards are paid to perform on the field. And they are well paid at that.
Ask the Afghans who play for literally nothing, yet they play their hearts out. Do you think Russians or Iranians are not performing because their politics are broken or their country is at war? They show up and they dominate. What happened to these useless bastards in white?
Stop making excuses for them. Inn ka aik kaam hai, dil or Jigar se cricket khailo. Woh bhi nahi karsaktay yeh SoBs.
Take a sip of Cool aid. Corruption runs high in almost every institution in Pakistan, and cricket is no exception. If you want, I can go back and give you the full
history of corruption in Pakistani cricket.
From
administrative favoritism in the 1950s–80s, to
match‑fixing in the 1990s, court cases, to
spot‑fixing and governance failures in the 2000s–2010s, the pattern has never changed, weak institutions, political interference, and elite capture. The same entrenched networks continue to influence decisions at every level.
A perfect example is the ongoing push by certain power brokers to reinstall
Shadab Khan as captain. For the last 3–4 years, these groups have tried to parachute him into leadership roles despite poor form, limited domestic participation, and declining performance. Only in Pakistan can a player bypass merit, skip domestic cricket, underperform internationally, and still be elevated to vice‑captaincy. In stronger cricketing systems like England, India, Australia, a player with Shadab’s recent record wouldn’t even make a
tier‑3 squad.
Just like in other sectors of Pakistan, the
feudal‑bureaucratic elite class dominates cricket. Favoritism, nepotism, and patronage networks shape selections, appointments, and board decisions. Coaches change, selectors rotate, chairmen come and go but the same entrenched networks keep running the show behind the scenes.
Many Pakistanis, and even some Western analysts believe that major cricketing moments were influenced by these power structures. For example, some argue that the
2011 Mohali semi‑final loss to India, under Shahid Afridi, was shaped by political pressure and backstage (gambling) interests. No official investigation has ever confirmed this, and realistically, it never will just like the unresolved assassination of Benazir Bhutto, where everyone “knows” the truth, but nothing is formally acknowledged.
Similarly, Pakistan’s shocking
2024 T20 World Cup loss to the USA, under Babar Azam, intensified public suspicion that internal groups and external pressures played a role. Again, these claims remain
public perceptions, not verified findings but they reveal how deep the mistrust runs in Pakistan’s cricket culture.
If I was in control, I would spend 100 million dollars in establishing sports including cricket in Balochistan, KPK and Northern Area by building clubs, academies and stadiums to promote sports.
