LeonBlack08
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Kudos to the students and the army for blocking another lame counter coup attempt by Hasina loyalists.
Bangladesh Socio-Political Crisis 2024
- Thread starter Al-Zakir
- Start date
Kudos to the students and the army for blocking another lame counter coup attempt by Hasina loyalists.
AbuShalehRumi
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This type of coup attempt will keep happening unless Yunus administration accelerates the cleanup process. Mr Yunus is trying to avoid collateral damage, I think...
LeonBlack08
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And these must be dealt with harshly. Anyone from force must be identified and thrown out immediately. Once they start losing job, they will lose their appetite for protest. These people are in uniform, they don't have the same democratic right to protest.
Mr X
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Sorry for stupid question but who are the Ansar members?
Awami league student wing?
LeonBlack08
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Ansar are low level paramilitary force, used mainly for guarding low security govt assets. During war time they could be mobilized for war, as this force does get basic military training.
Their former Director General was Maj Gen Aminul Haq who was a Hasina loyalist and brother of a BAL leader. He had been recruiting BAL party members into the Ansar. This is why we are seeing these kinda protests by the Hasina loyalists within the forces - first the police and now Ansar. Good thing Army is tolerating none of it.
LeonBlack08
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Very timely and needed decision. After the deadline is over, the govt must initiate raids to illegally held firearms. Clearly the government is anticipating more of counter coups like the one we witnessed today.
MNZGamerX
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Democracy in transition: Bangladesh's political chessboard open to potential permutations and combinations
BNP’s push for early elections, Jamaat-e-Islami’s need for time to rebuild, the ambitions of smaller parties, and the rise of new political forces from the anti-discrimination movement all contribute to a highly volatile and unpredictable political environment.
By M A Hossain Aug 25, 2024
The political landscape of Bangladesh has been thrown into turmoil following the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government. The arrest of Hasina's ministers and leaders, along with the shake-up in the administration through promotions, sackings, and postings, signals a significant shift in the power dynamics of the country. One of the most unique aspects of this interim government is the inclusion of two students, marking a historical moment in the political history of Bangladesh. Except for the Awami League, all major political parties have pledged their support to the interim government. However, they are simultaneously pressuring it for early elections, eager to seize the opportunity presented by this transitional phase.
BNP eager for early elections
In the current political landscape, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) emerges as the dominant force after the fall of Hasina. With no other major party standing in its way, BNP is understandably eager for early elections. A swift return to the polls would likely deliver significant political dividends to BNP, capitalizing on the vacuum left by the ousted Awami League. This eagerness is not just a matter of political ambition; it is seen as a strategic necessity. An early election would allow BNP to consolidate its position before the interim government or any new political force can stabilize and pose a challenge.
The party's desperation for elections stems from a calculated belief that their chances of winning are maximized in the current state of flux. The absence of Hasina and the weakened state of her party present BNP with a golden opportunity to reclaim power. However, this urgency for early elections is not without its complications, as the dynamics of other political entities and social movements come into play.
Opposition to Tareque Rahman
While BNP is pushing for quick elections, it faces a significant hurdle in its bid to bring back Tareque Rahman, son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia and late president Ziaur Rahman, into active politics. Rahman, who is the acting chairman of BNP currently living in exile, holds a pivotal role within the BNP. However, his return is fraught with challenges. Student organizations, which have gained considerable influence in the interim government, are staunchly opposed to Rahman's political rehabilitation. Their opposition is rooted in a broader movement for political reform and anti-corruption, which sees Rahman as emblematic of the old, corrupt political order.
Additionally, legal barriers complicate Rahman's return. He has been convicted to a life term in several cases, making his re-entry into Bangladeshi politics a legally arduous process. The BNP's leadership finds itself in a dilemma, caught between the pressure from its rank and file to bring back Rahman and the broader legal and political constraints that make this difficult. This situation significantly weakens BNP’s position, as the party risks alienating a key section of the interim government while also potentially losing a charismatic leader who could galvanize its base.
Jamaat-e-Islami in no hurry
In contrast to BNP's eagerness for quick elections, Jamaat-e-Islami, another significant political player, is in no hurry to go to the polls. The party was severely crippled during Sheikh Hasina’s regime, with many of its leaders hanged or imprisoned, and its organizational structure badly damaged. The economic sanctions and social ostracism that followed have left the party in a state of disarray. For Jamaat, the priority is to regroup and rebuild its strength before entering another election battle.
A rushed election would spell disaster for Jamaat as the party is not yet in a position to compete effectively. The interim period is crucial for them to reorganize, regain lost ground, and reestablish themselves as a force in Bangladeshi politics. As such, they are advocating for a delay in elections, giving them the time they need to recover from the setbacks of the previous regime.
Other parties support BNP
Other smaller parties, including those led by figures like VP Nur and Andaleeb Rahman Partha, have aligned themselves with BNP’s demand for early elections. For these parties, quick elections are seen as a strategic move that could enhance their political fortunes. They believe that aligning with BNP, which is poised to dominate the political landscape in the absence of the Awami League, could secure them a share in the government once it is formed.
These smaller parties have their own interests at heart, seeing an opportunity to carve out a niche for themselves in a new government dominated by BNP. Their support for early elections is therefore less about ideological alignment and more about pragmatic political calculation. By backing BNP, they hope to ensure their survival and relevance in the post-Hasina political order.
Student organizations against early polls
On the other side of the political spectrum, student organizations that have been at the forefront of the anti-discrimination movement are against the idea of early elections. These groups, which have gained unprecedented influence in the interim government, argue that they need time to establish a strong political party that can represent the voices of the marginalized and oppressed. They view the old political parties, including BNP, as part of the problem, rather than the solution, to Bangladesh's entrenched social and political issues.
For these student organizations, the interim period represents a crucial window of opportunity to build a new political force that can challenge the status quo. Rushing into elections would, in their view, merely restore the old power structures without addressing the underlying issues of discrimination and inequality that they are fighting against. As such, they are advocating for a longer interim period, during which they can lay the foundations for a new political movement.
Other Islamist parties' role limited
Other Islamist parties, such as Hefazat-e-Islam and Islami Oikya Jote, are not significant factors in the current political equation. While they have a certain level of support, particularly among more conservative sections of the population, their influence is limited. These parties have a loyal but small vote bank, which is not enough to make them decisive players in the broader political landscape.
Moreover, their focus is often more on religious and social issues than on democratic governance, which limits their appeal to the broader electorate. As such, while they may play a role in influencing the outcome of elections in certain constituencies, they are unlikely to be major players in the formation of the next government. Their participation in the interim government's deliberations and future elections will be more about maintaining their relevance than about exerting significant political influence.
Future political landscape
In this complex and fluid situation, BNP is likely to lead the charge against the interim government demanding early elections. However, this move could pit them against the student organizations that currently hold significant sway in the interim administration. The ensuing conflict could create a political vacuum that might allow the Awami League to re-enter the political fray, potentially in alliance with BNP or as a counterweight to the emerging student-led political forces.
The political chessboard in Bangladesh is thus set for a series of potential permutations and combinations. Alliances could shift rapidly, with old enemies becoming new allies and vice versa. The outcome of this period of transition is far from certain, with multiple forces vying for power and influence.
The fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government has ushered in a period of unprecedented political change in Bangladesh. The interim government, with its unique composition, is navigating a treacherous path filled with competing interests and conflicting demands. BNP’s push for early elections, Jamaat-e-Islami’s need for time to rebuild, the ambitions of smaller parties, and the rise of new political forces from the anti-discrimination movement all contribute to a highly volatile and unpredictable political environment. The coming months will be crucial in determining the future direction of Bangladesh’s democracy, as the country grapples with the challenges of this transitional phase.
www.southasiamonitor.org
BNP’s push for early elections, Jamaat-e-Islami’s need for time to rebuild, the ambitions of smaller parties, and the rise of new political forces from the anti-discrimination movement all contribute to a highly volatile and unpredictable political environment.
By M A Hossain Aug 25, 2024
The political landscape of Bangladesh has been thrown into turmoil following the fall of Sheikh Hasina's government. The arrest of Hasina's ministers and leaders, along with the shake-up in the administration through promotions, sackings, and postings, signals a significant shift in the power dynamics of the country. One of the most unique aspects of this interim government is the inclusion of two students, marking a historical moment in the political history of Bangladesh. Except for the Awami League, all major political parties have pledged their support to the interim government. However, they are simultaneously pressuring it for early elections, eager to seize the opportunity presented by this transitional phase.
BNP eager for early elections
In the current political landscape, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) emerges as the dominant force after the fall of Hasina. With no other major party standing in its way, BNP is understandably eager for early elections. A swift return to the polls would likely deliver significant political dividends to BNP, capitalizing on the vacuum left by the ousted Awami League. This eagerness is not just a matter of political ambition; it is seen as a strategic necessity. An early election would allow BNP to consolidate its position before the interim government or any new political force can stabilize and pose a challenge.
The party's desperation for elections stems from a calculated belief that their chances of winning are maximized in the current state of flux. The absence of Hasina and the weakened state of her party present BNP with a golden opportunity to reclaim power. However, this urgency for early elections is not without its complications, as the dynamics of other political entities and social movements come into play.
Opposition to Tareque Rahman
While BNP is pushing for quick elections, it faces a significant hurdle in its bid to bring back Tareque Rahman, son of former prime minister Khaleda Zia and late president Ziaur Rahman, into active politics. Rahman, who is the acting chairman of BNP currently living in exile, holds a pivotal role within the BNP. However, his return is fraught with challenges. Student organizations, which have gained considerable influence in the interim government, are staunchly opposed to Rahman's political rehabilitation. Their opposition is rooted in a broader movement for political reform and anti-corruption, which sees Rahman as emblematic of the old, corrupt political order.
Additionally, legal barriers complicate Rahman's return. He has been convicted to a life term in several cases, making his re-entry into Bangladeshi politics a legally arduous process. The BNP's leadership finds itself in a dilemma, caught between the pressure from its rank and file to bring back Rahman and the broader legal and political constraints that make this difficult. This situation significantly weakens BNP’s position, as the party risks alienating a key section of the interim government while also potentially losing a charismatic leader who could galvanize its base.
Jamaat-e-Islami in no hurry
In contrast to BNP's eagerness for quick elections, Jamaat-e-Islami, another significant political player, is in no hurry to go to the polls. The party was severely crippled during Sheikh Hasina’s regime, with many of its leaders hanged or imprisoned, and its organizational structure badly damaged. The economic sanctions and social ostracism that followed have left the party in a state of disarray. For Jamaat, the priority is to regroup and rebuild its strength before entering another election battle.
A rushed election would spell disaster for Jamaat as the party is not yet in a position to compete effectively. The interim period is crucial for them to reorganize, regain lost ground, and reestablish themselves as a force in Bangladeshi politics. As such, they are advocating for a delay in elections, giving them the time they need to recover from the setbacks of the previous regime.
Other parties support BNP
Other smaller parties, including those led by figures like VP Nur and Andaleeb Rahman Partha, have aligned themselves with BNP’s demand for early elections. For these parties, quick elections are seen as a strategic move that could enhance their political fortunes. They believe that aligning with BNP, which is poised to dominate the political landscape in the absence of the Awami League, could secure them a share in the government once it is formed.
These smaller parties have their own interests at heart, seeing an opportunity to carve out a niche for themselves in a new government dominated by BNP. Their support for early elections is therefore less about ideological alignment and more about pragmatic political calculation. By backing BNP, they hope to ensure their survival and relevance in the post-Hasina political order.
Student organizations against early polls
On the other side of the political spectrum, student organizations that have been at the forefront of the anti-discrimination movement are against the idea of early elections. These groups, which have gained unprecedented influence in the interim government, argue that they need time to establish a strong political party that can represent the voices of the marginalized and oppressed. They view the old political parties, including BNP, as part of the problem, rather than the solution, to Bangladesh's entrenched social and political issues.
For these student organizations, the interim period represents a crucial window of opportunity to build a new political force that can challenge the status quo. Rushing into elections would, in their view, merely restore the old power structures without addressing the underlying issues of discrimination and inequality that they are fighting against. As such, they are advocating for a longer interim period, during which they can lay the foundations for a new political movement.
Other Islamist parties' role limited
Other Islamist parties, such as Hefazat-e-Islam and Islami Oikya Jote, are not significant factors in the current political equation. While they have a certain level of support, particularly among more conservative sections of the population, their influence is limited. These parties have a loyal but small vote bank, which is not enough to make them decisive players in the broader political landscape.
Moreover, their focus is often more on religious and social issues than on democratic governance, which limits their appeal to the broader electorate. As such, while they may play a role in influencing the outcome of elections in certain constituencies, they are unlikely to be major players in the formation of the next government. Their participation in the interim government's deliberations and future elections will be more about maintaining their relevance than about exerting significant political influence.
Future political landscape
In this complex and fluid situation, BNP is likely to lead the charge against the interim government demanding early elections. However, this move could pit them against the student organizations that currently hold significant sway in the interim administration. The ensuing conflict could create a political vacuum that might allow the Awami League to re-enter the political fray, potentially in alliance with BNP or as a counterweight to the emerging student-led political forces.
The political chessboard in Bangladesh is thus set for a series of potential permutations and combinations. Alliances could shift rapidly, with old enemies becoming new allies and vice versa. The outcome of this period of transition is far from certain, with multiple forces vying for power and influence.
The fall of Sheikh Hasina’s government has ushered in a period of unprecedented political change in Bangladesh. The interim government, with its unique composition, is navigating a treacherous path filled with competing interests and conflicting demands. BNP’s push for early elections, Jamaat-e-Islami’s need for time to rebuild, the ambitions of smaller parties, and the rise of new political forces from the anti-discrimination movement all contribute to a highly volatile and unpredictable political environment. The coming months will be crucial in determining the future direction of Bangladesh’s democracy, as the country grapples with the challenges of this transitional phase.
Democracy in transition: Bangladesh's political chessboard open to potential permutations and combinations
BNP’s push for early elections, Jamaat-e-Islami’s need for time to rebuild, the ambitions of smaller parties, and the rise of new political forces from the anti-discrimination movement all contribute to a highly volatile and unpredictable political environment.
www.southasiamonitor.org
LeonBlack08
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Journalist Zulkarnain Sami reported the following regarding the Ansar failed coup today -
1. In the last 15 years, over 42K Ansar personnel were recruited on contract mostly from Gopalganj and other nearby districts. Gopalganj is Sheikh Hasina constituency and BAL stronghold, so essentially these 42k recruitment was of BAL party loyalists.
2. Major General AKM Aminul Haque of Bangladesh army, who was the former DG of Ansar was behind this failed coup. He is a Hasina loyalist and brother of a BAL MP.
3. There are about 5 more Hasina loyalist generals who are actively conspiring with former Hasina Defence Advisor Maj Gen Tareq Siddiqui
4. The next instability could be created by rural electrification board employees.
Strider
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Dr Yunus seeks nation's support to build new Bangladesh
- Says people will decide tenure of interim govt
- Adds that dictatorial regime ruined system, spread corruption
- Announces plans to establish memorial foundation for victims of July mass killings
“We must ensure that we do not miss this chance to build a new Bangladesh due to our differences. If we lose this opportunity now, we will be defeated as a nation. To the martyrs, the injured and the living students, we pledge that we will not let this achievement go to waste,” Dr Yunus said during his address to the nation on Sunday evening.
Regarding the next general election, Nobel laureate Dr Yunus said the timing of the election was a political decision that must be determined through political discussions.
The interim government, led by Yunus, officially began its work on August 8. Addressing the matter of his government’s tenure, Yunus said the people would decide when it left.
“We were initially invited by the students… The general populace supported our appointment. We will continually remind everyone that our departure will occur when they say so.”
On the topic of elections, the chief adviser added that the Election Commission would be reformed as part of the government’s broader reforms.
Yunus also urged the public to offer suggestions on the tasks the interim government should focus on during its tenure. “Through such discussions, we will gain direction. However, the final decision is a political one, and political decisions will come from political discussions. Without this guidance, we cannot advance firmly in negotiations with donor agencies and international organizations. I assure you that we will not seek an extension from our side.”
In his 25-minute address, he outlined his government’s sector-wise action plan to rebuild a respected and prosperous Bangladesh.
This was his second speech to the nation since assuming the role of chief adviser. Unlike his brief, introductory first speech, this address provided more detailed insights into the country’s sector-wise conditions.
He also condemned the previous dictatorial regime for destroying the nation’s systems and embedding corruption across all sectors.
Dr Yunus appealed to the public to exercise patience as the government addressed significant challenges gradually, rather than expecting immediate solutions. He cautioned against the impulse to demand instant resolutions, which could endanger individuals, strain institutions and lead to premature judgments before legal cases were resolved.
"In times of great difficulty, it is crucial to be patient," said Dr Yunus, whose administration has faced protests almost daily and numerous demands from various professionals across Dhaka since it took office.
On the flood situation, the chief adviser assured the nation that all necessary measures had been implemented to restore normalcy in Bangladesh's flood-affected regions. He also talked about unity saying: “We are one family. We have one goal.”
Yunus emphasized the need for both domestic and regional cooperation to effectively address such crises in the future.
He reaffirmed the government’s commitment to meeting the aspirations of the youth and addressing ongoing challenges. He urged the nation to fully support these efforts, focusing on long-term solutions rather than immediate fixes or vigilante actions.
During his speech, the Nobel laureate also announced plans to establish a memorial foundation for the victims of the July mass killings.
Referring to the entire nation as a family, Dr Yunus expressed his commitment to building a Bangladesh where the human rights of every citizen were fully protected. “Our goal is unified: a liberal, democratic, non-discriminatory and non-sectarian Bangladesh.”
“Local government institutions will be strengthened to consolidate democracy and ensure the decentralization of power,” the chief adviser pledged, vowing to establish an accountable political system to combat corruption, looting and genocide.
Yunus assured that a free, fair and participatory election would be held after necessary reforms were completed in the administration, judiciary, Election Commission, law and order, and information systems to ensure the success of the student uprising.
“We have initiated steps to ensure good governance in the banking sector, which has become an industry rife with looting and corruption. Skilled professionals are being recruited, and efforts are underway to restore order in the banking sector, create a conducive business environment and control the prices of daily necessities to ease the lives of the people.”
He also announced the formation of a banking commission for long-term reforms in the sector and vowed to use all his strength to make the country free of bribery, seeking the cooperation of the public in this endeavour.
The current government had taken a firm stance against corruption, Yunus said, adding that all advisers would publish their asset details, and this would be made mandatory for all government officials.
He also highlighted the importance of showing respect and dignity to Bangladeshi workers and expatriates, urging those abroad to send their earnings back home through official channels, as this was crucial for overcoming the country’s economic crisis.
Noting that various states and the United Nations had expressed support for the government’s journey, Yunus said: “We will maintain friendly relations with all nations. Our foreign policy will be based on mutual trust, confidence and cooperation. We respect all international laws, including those concerning human rights.”
Yunus also discussed the establishment of a police commission aimed at creating a public-oriented, non-partisan and accountable law enforcement structure. He acknowledged that the reputation of forces such as the army, police, BGB and RAB had been tarnished by their involvement in enforced disappearances and torture.
“We intend to identify and punish the criminals responsible. A list is being prepared to ensure that no member of any patriotic force dares to engage in killings, disappearances or torture at the behest of anyone in the future,” he added.
Highlighting the agricultural sector, Yunus emphasized that in an agriculture-dependent Bangladesh, farmers' interests must be protected, and they should receive fair prices for their produce.
Addressing the health sector, he acknowledged it as one of the most corrupt sectors in the country. To ensure adequate healthcare for the people, necessary reforms would be made, and all involved would be held accountable, he said.
Dr Yunus noted that the current generation was much more aware and was leading change, not just observing it globally. “Their vision for development is sustainable and environmentally friendly. True development does not destroy nature,” he said.
He added that GDP alone could not measure a country’s development. “Development that destroys and pollutes rivers, canals, mountains, forests, soil and air is not sustainable in the long term,” Dr Yunus said.
“Our government stands with environmentalists against fossil fuels. Reducing carbon emissions to zero is the only way to prevent climate change and leave a healthy world for future generations. Our government will prioritize environmental and climate protection, involving the youth in this vital mission,” Dr Yunus added.
Source:
LeonBlack08
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The leader in yesterday's Ansar protest has been identified and confirmed to be a leader of Volunteer league (BAL affiliated volunteer group). This is not surprising at all, as everyone knew it right away BAL was behind the unrest.
LeonBlack08
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Zulkarnain Saer
𝐒𝐄𝐂𝐔𝐑𝐈𝐓𝐘 𝐒𝐄𝐂𝐓𝐎𝐑 𝐑𝐄𝐅𝐎𝐑𝐌 𝐎𝐅 𝐁𝐀𝐍𝐆𝐋𝐀𝐃𝐄𝐒𝐇 - 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟒 𝐖𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐧 𝐛𝐲 𝐌𝐚𝐣𝐨𝐫 𝐆𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐥 Nayeem Ashfaque Chowdhury 𝐒𝐁𝐏, 𝐎𝐒𝐏, 𝐒𝐔𝐏, 𝐩𝐬𝐜, 𝐏𝐡𝐃 (𝐑𝐞𝐭𝐝.) 𝑨𝒔𝒔𝒆𝒔𝒔𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝒐𝒇 𝑪𝒖𝒓𝒓𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝑺𝒊𝒕𝒖𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏 1. Post peoples’ upsurge in...
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𝐒𝐄𝐂𝐔𝐑𝐈𝐓𝐘 𝐒𝐄𝐂𝐓𝐎𝐑 𝐑𝐄𝐅𝐎𝐑𝐌 𝐎𝐅 𝐁𝐀𝐍𝐆𝐋𝐀𝐃𝐄𝐒𝐇 - 𝟐𝟎𝟐𝟒
𝐖𝐫𝐢𝐭𝐭𝐞𝐧 𝐛𝐲 𝐌𝐚𝐣𝐨𝐫 𝐆𝐞𝐧𝐞𝐫𝐚𝐥 Nayeem Ashfaque Chowdhury 𝐒𝐁𝐏, 𝐎𝐒𝐏, 𝐒𝐔𝐏, 𝐩𝐬𝐜, 𝐏𝐡𝐃 (𝐑𝐞𝐭𝐝.)
𝑨𝒔𝒔𝒆𝒔𝒔𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝒐𝒇 𝑪𝒖𝒓𝒓𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝑺𝒊𝒕𝒖𝒂𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏
1. Post peoples’ upsurge in Bangladesh needs deliberate evaluation of the complete spectrum of the statecraft functioning, especially in the security sector. The security situation of Bangladesh is vulnerable as the key security apparatus, Bangladesh Police, has been non-functional since 5 August 2024. Police have started to function with hesitation and nonconfidence since 15 August under the protection of Bangladesh Army.
The atrocities and unprofessional actions by police, RAB, Ansar has led to the current situation of lawlessness. Still there are miscreants and other vested quarters of the previous regime working at different parts and organisations of the country to enforce anarchy and force this government to fail, one of such events was displayed in Gopalgonj. Still Sheikh Hasina with the auspices of India is continuously fomenting and instructing the culprits, hooligans to continue anti-state activities. Her son Sojib Wazed Joy is also propagating misinformation in Indian media. Indian media, especially the true-blue royalist to BJP continues to propagate against the present government. Still important civil and military appointments in Bangladesh are held by officers extremely and unethically loyal to the previous regime.
Mere shuffling of the top echelon will not defuse the threat and challenges perceived. This is dangerous for the life of even Chief Advisor, CAS and other important personalities.
2. The previous regime, like all other institutions and organisations, destroyed professionalism, chain of command and best practices of the all professional security providers through politicisation, rampant practice of nepotism, nurturing sycophancy, absence of accountability, and so on and so forth. On top of it, Indian intelligence (RAW) is directly operating inside Bangladesh, the nest of which has been established with the support of the previous government, few corrupt politicians from Awami League, influential minority population, civil and military bureaucracy.
The ultimate objective of India was to make Bangladesh a vassal state of India with the direct support of Sheikh Hasina. Organisation like ISKON overtly and covertly worked rampantly against the interest of Bangladesh and in favour of India with the support of the previous regime. Surprisingly, one of the Ministers publicly declared that he is the member of ISKON (Education Minister during the previous regime) since he studied in India.The previous regime for their existence did so as they lost their credibility and popularity since 2014. In return, India could ink many disproportionate agreements with Bangladesh which went in favour of India.
With the fall of Sheikh Hasina India has lost its grip on Bangladesh. In fact, till date (since 2009) India could win the obedience and loyalty of Sheikh Hasina, but lost the support, respect and sympathy of the nation i.e. Bangladesh. Centre for Research and Information (CRI), an Awami League launched so called think tank organisation was operative to spread propaganda, suppress opposition, infusing illegal gratification, nepotism in all constitutional and governmental organisations and serve the purposes of upholding the interest of India.
The culture of bandwagon approach and foreign policy had a serious impact on every sector of Bangladesh including the security sector in regards to strategy formulation, operation, administration, recruitment, training, procurement, etc. Corruption has engulfed all the organisations. The heads of the organisations were personally involved in corruption. This is a matter of extreme disgrace for a nation when the heads of organisations are under US sanction for corruption and human rights violations. It is said that hardly anyone could get a job in Police, Ansar or even BGB without a bribe or strong connection to Awami League leaders or a strong backing. Same is the picture in case of a good posting at Dhaka or other lucrative places. It is no wonder that the lucrative posting is defined as the potential of bribe, embezzlement, drug/human trafficking, arms/other goods smuggling.
Age old traditions, good practices and policies were compromised and a journey towards a gradual decay and unprofessionalism was adopted. Loyalty to Awami League was viewed as a priority over professionalism. Existence of any relatives (even third or fourth blood) affiliated or sympathetic to any other political parties other than Awami League used to be viewed as disqualification for promotion or getting a good posting. This had a ripple effect among all ranks and file in the military. Officers started looking for patronizers from political leaders to get a good posting or to pass the age-old tough promotion board instead of relying on professionalism.
3. There were accomplices to the tyrant from the military who designed, established and operated the scandalous torcher cell named “Ayna Ghar” under DGFI where many famous/ordinary people used to be kept in a marooned and unhealthy condition for years. Anyone having a different opinion from the government or connection with the opposition used to be abducted and kept under confinement without the knowledge of the judiciary.
4. There were a number of incidents that took place or orchestrated under the previous regime to break the backbone of Bangladesh Army. The BDR incident in 2009 was part of the conspiracy where 57 meritorious officers were brutally killed. After the BDR incident many officers outburst in front of the then Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina at SenaKunja. Many of them lost their jobs as they raised their voice about the inaction of the government and the Army. The so-called conspiracy to topple the government by Major Zia in 2012 resulted in several officers losing their job. General Aziz (Retired) implemented a renewed immigration policy retrospectively in 2019 which resulted in the forced retirement of about 250 brilliant officers. Besides, he dismissed or ensured forced retirement of about 73 other officers during his tenure (2018-2021) on different causes. It is said that General Aziz broke the backbone of Bangladesh Army in connivance with RAW.
5. After the student-led successful peoples’ upsurge and assumption of power by the Interim Government, the nation started seeing a ray of hope. Country is now standing at a crossroad of moving towards prosperity, development, growth and evolution. Like other sectors, we need to overhaul the security sector. We need to bring back the image of these organisations, and put them back on the right track.
𝑺𝒑𝒆𝒄𝒕𝒓𝒖𝒎 𝒐𝒇 𝑨𝒄𝒕𝒐𝒓𝒔 𝒐𝒇 𝑺𝒆𝒄𝒖𝒓𝒊𝒕𝒚 𝑺𝒆𝒄𝒕𝒐𝒓
6. As we all know that the broad spectrum of the Security Sector comprises Management and Oversight Bodies, Professional Security Providers, and Justice and Rule of Law Actors. The executive, national security council, legislative, ministry of defence, home, planning, and foreign affairs, financial management bodies (financial audit and planning units) are some of the elements of the Management and Oversight Bodies. Professional Security Providers are: the Armed forces, police forces, paramilitary forces, intelligence organisations, customs and immigration services, fire brigade and civil defence, BNCC etc.
The judiciary, law ministry, prisons, criminal investigation and prosecution services, human rights commissions and ombudsmen, and customary and traditional justice systems are part of Justice and Rule of Law. As the total spectrum of the security sector is very vast, this paper will focus only on the Armed Forces and touch upon some aspects of two important intelligence organisations i.e. NSI and DGFI.

𝑺𝒕𝒓𝒆𝒏𝒈𝒕𝒉 𝒐𝒇 𝑪𝒖𝒓𝒓𝒆𝒏𝒕 𝑮𝒐𝒗𝒆𝒓𝒏𝒎𝒆𝒏𝒕
7. Firstly, the country could never witness such national unity after the Liberation War in 1971. More than 95% people are in unison to move forward with the guidance of the current Interim Government under the leadership of Dr. Muhammad Yunus. This is an enormous strength of the current Government.
Secondly, the Gen Z who were all reluctant about the politics and other affairs of Bangladesh just a few days ago have started not only thinking about the wellbeing of the country, but actively involved in nation building and showing the right path to the nation. This unprecedented move and change must be utilised to the fullest. We all have witnessed the continuous brain-drain of the talented youth from Bangladesh to the developed countries due to their frustration, lack of opportunities and environment at all educational institutions and government/private jobs, politicisation of every organisation and institution, corruption, nepotism, lawlessness, inequalities of wealth and opportunities etc.

Thirdly, the mid and lower level rank and file of Bangladesh Armed Forces did not like the misrule, corruption, misdeeds of the previous regime and they are united and committed to bring a positive change. They were well informed about every detail of the country through social media.
Fourthly, the whole world including almost all international non-state stakeholders like UN, EU, OIC etc are in favour and supportive to the present government except India and possibly Russia. China on the other hand has adopted a go slow policy and is possibly looking for an opportune moment to start collaboration with the new government.
𝑰𝒎𝒎𝒆𝒅𝒊𝒂𝒕𝒆 𝑨𝒄𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒔 𝑵𝒆𝒆𝒅𝒆𝒅
8. Security sector is no doubt a sensitive and delicate zone to deal with. It demands careful and timely action with adequate preparation for the contingencies.
We need to take following actions immediately:
a.Immediately implement forced retirement of all known corrupt and allegedly involved in misdeeds of previous regime high ranking military officers. Ensure that they can not leave the country. Start investigations against all these officers taking allegations and evidence from all related stakeholders. Seize the accounts of all the corrupt officers if allegations are initially found true. Take all the corrupt officers to custody if the allegation is preliminary found to be true. Find out their accomplices also and produce them before law.
b. Change the whole lot gradually with priority to the officers extremely loyal to the previous regime.
c.It is better to run a formation/institution/entity with a good junior officer as officiating in charge rather than keeping a corrupt senior on top.
d. Change the officers at all echelons of intelligence organisation as all of them were selected based on their loyalty to Awami League.
e. Bring all known corrupt retired officers like Major General Tariq Ahmed Siddiqui (Retired), General Aziz (Retired) etc. to custody in order to enforce justice. Start judicial process as per law of the land with priority. Enforce their restriction on leaving the country. Identify their accomplices and abettors. Bring back all the corrupt officers who all left the country. Start the judicial process even if they are absconding. This will give a clear message to the present and future rank & file that nobody is above law.
f. Review all promotions from Lieutenant Colonel (and equivalent) to the Lieutenant General (and equivalent) since 2018 through a Board of Officers as extreme politicisation of the military started from General Aziz’s era. Find out the officers responsible for the promotion of wrong/inappropriate officers.
g. Review all dismissals and forced retirements that took place under the previous regime since 2009 through a Board of Officers.
h. Revive the inquiry of BDR killing and bring all the perpetrators to book.
i. Find out corruption, nepotism, illegal assignment/selection of vendors, and misappropriation in procurement, construction, project, supply etc. throughout the Forces especially from June 2018.
𝑴𝒊𝒅 𝒂𝒏𝒅 𝑳𝒐𝒏𝒈 𝑻𝒆𝒓𝒎 𝑨𝒄𝒕𝒊𝒐𝒏𝒔
9. Following are the actions need to undertaken at mid and long term basis:
a. Review the vision, mission, objective, task, jurisdiction, and employment of DGFI and NSI. This will act as a shield to the officers serving in those organisations to deny illegal orders by superior or even the government.
b. Write down the history of Liberation War and Bangladesh Armed Forces.
c. Review all related policies which need review. Recruitment, promotion and posting should be based on merit. It must be followed strictly.
d. Review all agreements and MOUs between Bangladesh Army, Navy, Air Force, DGFI and NSI and other armies/intelligence organisations inked during the previous regime, especially with India.
e. Bring back all good traditions and practices and steer the military towards professionalism. Military must be totally engaged in their classical role. Bring back all officers from RAB. Military should be assigned to civil projects in extreme cases, not on a regular basis.
f. RAOWA is one of the platforms for the patriotic veterans who feel for the country. This organisation has also been captured by the true-blue royalist of Awami League during General Aziz’s era. It needs thorough review and reform.
g. The retired soldiers lead a deplorable life after retirement. They neither can do any business nor can they be an entrepreneur. But they remain in the Active List of Bangladesh Army for 10 years after retirement. It would be a great help for all the retired soldiers if ration is authorised for them like Bangladesh Police. Mentionable, Army and Police both asked for the authorisation of Ration after retirement. Previous regime approved the same for the Police as they used to serve the unethical purposes of the regime and did not approve for the Army.
h. The retired soldiers also suffer from inadequate health service from already overloaded CMHs after retirement. It needs due attention. There are ways to address this challenge.
𝑾𝒂𝒚 𝑭𝒐𝒓𝒘𝒂𝒓𝒅
10. Security Sector reform needs to be done very carefully as it is a delicate matter and the country is now in a precarious condition. A team of competent officers under a Security Advisor should plan and execute the reform with the guidance of respected Chief Advisor and in coordination with three Services Chiefs.
AbuShalehRumi
Senior Member
- Nov 18, 2018
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True to an extent.
Is this news true
.
Bangladeshis have to go to india if we want to face embassy interviews of lots of European Countries. Plus there are genuine medical visa applicants.
.
But, those hindu stronk twitter accounts are hilarious. Bangladeshis are asking for for their money and passport back and those false flagged indian accounts are trying to portray india stronk... lol
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